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Ethiopia

Ethiopians in Las Vegas meet with Kinijit leaders

10:30 PM PST / 01:30 AM EST
The Kinijit town hall meeting in Las Vegas is now over. More time than usual was given for the question and answer program of the event. The audience were expressing their views as much as asking questions. The 370 people who participated in the meeting raised a total of $41,900 for Kinijit. Considering that there are far fewer people in Las Vegas than in Dallas or Oakland, raising this much money was a great success. The next major event is the Kinijit leaders’ arrival in Seattle on Friday and the town hall meeting on Saturday.

Kinijit leaders arrive in Las Vegas
Abebe Belew at the Kinijit town hall meeting in Las Vegas [photo: Kinijit Las Vegas]

Kinijit Vice President testifies at the U.S. Congress

Kinijit Vice President Bertukan Mideksa and Addis Ababa Mayor-Elect Berhanu Nega have testified at the United States Congress today where they urged members of Congress to take strong legislative actions to stop the worsening human rights condition in Ethiopia.

Kinijit leaders in Congress
Kinijit leaders at a Congressional Hearing in the U.S. Congress
[photo: Abraham Takele/ER]

Wzt. Bertukan and Dr Berhanu talked about their experience as recently released political prisoners and the ongoing atrocities through out Ethiopia.

Following the hearing, the full House passed H.R. 2003 without objection… continue on next page >>

Dictator Meles returns to Ethiopia

The U.S. Department of State informed ER’s Intelligence Unit that dictator Meles Zenawi is on his way back to Ethiopia after failing to convince the U.S. Congress not to pass H.R. 2003.

According to ER sources, Meles had planned to come to Washington DC on Monday to meet with State Department officials and members of Congress in a last minute effort to stop the bill. Instead he met with Secretary of State Condoleeza Rice in the Waldorf-Astoria Hotel in New York on Thursday and headed to Ethiopia. It is not clear if Dr. Rice had told him not to waste his time?

Woyannes and their lobbyists are now turning their attention to the United States Senate to stop H.R. 2003. But Chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee has already made it know that Meles must be held accountable for the on going atrocities in Ethiopia. The bill is thus expected to easily sail through the Senate land on President Bush’s desk soon as a veto-proof legislation.

Testimony of Saman Zarifi, HRW’s Washington Advocate

Testimony of Saman Zarifi, Human Rights Watch’s Washington Advocate

October 3, 2007

The U.S House of Representatives Committee on Foreign Affairs, Subcommittee on Africa and Global Health

“The Human Rights and Humanitarian Situation in the Horn of Africa: The Cases of Somalia and the Ogaden Region of Ethiopia”

Thank you Mr. Chairman, members of the committee, for providing Human Rights Watch this opportunity to voice our concerns about the dire, and deteriorating, human rights and humanitarian situation in the Horn of Africa, and particularly in regard to Somalia and the Somali region of Ethiopia.

We are at a critical moment for the Horn of Africa and its people. Over the past year we have seen an already volatile region become even more violent and unstable, with hundreds of thousands of civilians suffering massive crimes. There has been little or no response from important voices in the international community, including the United States.

These crimes are not only a serious issue from a human rights perspective, they need to be understood as part of a deepening political and security crisis across the Horn of Africa. The situation in the Horn today is complex, but what is clear is that if we are to avert a deepening regional crisis we must see an urgent and radical change of policy by some of the key regional actors—and their international supporters—in order to address the current dynamic of increasing violence, instability, and human suffering.

Human Rights Watch has been closely monitoring events in Somalia and Ethiopia, and recently published an in-depth investigation of crimes committed in Mogadishu, a city where hundreds have died and up to 400,000 people were displaced from the past six months of intense violence. Our research on the Ogaden area of Somali region, some of it as recent as this week, has uncovered a civilian population under siege and nearly driven to starvation by the various parties to the conflict.

Mr. Chairman, there are no clean hands among the hostile parties in these two conflicts. Human Rights Watch has documented serious abuses of civilians in the Ogaden, including summary executions, by the forces of the rebel Ogaden National Liberation Front. We have published an in-depth investigation that describes a variety of crimes by insurgent groups in Mogadishu, including indiscriminate attacks and killings of civilians. We have also raised concerns about abuses by the forces of the Somali Transitional Federal Government, including repeated looting and obstruction of humanitarian assistance. We are enormously concerned by the Eritrean government’s extreme and systematic repression of its citizens.

However today Human Rights Watch would like to focus on the conduct of the Ethiopian military, not only because the Ethiopian government’s military forces have systematically committed atrocities and violated the basic laws of war, but because Ethiopia is a key ally and partner of the United States in the Horn of Africa.

The crimes committed by Ethiopian forces in the Ogaden and in Somalia are not unique, on the contrary they add to a mounting toll of abuses that have made Ethiopian security forces among the most abusive on the continent. Human Rights Watch has previously documented crimes against humanity by Ethiopian military forces in Gambella, and serious abuses in Oromia, Addis Ababa and other parts of Ethiopia.

We recognize that Ethiopia has legitimate and serious domestic and regional security concerns, and that all of the warring parties share responsibility for atrocities against civilians. Nevertheless, nothing justifies the severe violations we are witnessing today in the Ogaden, or the conduct of Ethiopian forces and their allies in Mogadishu.

In the Ogaden, we have documented massive crimes by the Ethiopian army, including civilians targeted intentionally; villages burned to the ground as part of a campaign of collective punishment; public executions meant to terrify onlooking villagers; rampant sexual violence used as a tool of warfare; thousands of arbitrary arrests and widespread and sometimes deadly torture and beatings in military custody; a humanitarian and trade blockade on the entire conflict area; and hundreds of thousands of people forced away from their homes and driven to hunger and malnutrition.

The Ogaden is not Darfur. But the situation in Ogaden follows a frighteningly familiar pattern: a brutal counter insurgency operation with ethnic overtones in which government forces deliberately attacks civilians and displace large populations, coupled with severe restrictions on humanitarian assistance.

Unlike in Darfur, however, the state that is perpetrating abuses against its people in Ogaden is a key US ally and recipient of seemingly unquestioning US military, political, and financial support. Furthermore the crisis in Ogaden is linked to a U.S.-supported military intervention by Ethiopia in Somalia that has been justified in terms of counter terrorism. Because the United States has until now supported Ethiopia so closely, there is a widespread and growing sentiment in the region that the United States also shares some of the blame for the Ethiopian military’s abusive conduct. The increasing resentment produced by the silence over these atrocities risks radicalizing parts of the large Muslim population in the region and undermining the United States’ stated goal of combating militant Islamist groups in the region. It is imperative for the United States to use its influence in the region to end these abuses and ensure the well-being of civilians caught in these conflicts.