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The Tall Tale of Susan Rice

srOn September 2, 2012, Susan Rice, the U.S. Ambassador to the U.N., delivered a nauseatingly sentimental oration at the funeral of Ethiopian dictator Meles Zenawi. She called Meles “selfless and tireless” and “totally dedicated to his work and family.” She said he was “tough, unsentimental and sometimes unyielding. And, of course, he had little patience for fools, or idiots, as he liked to call them.”  The “fools” and “idiots” that Rice caricatured with rhetorical gusto and flair are Ethiopia’s  independent  journalists, opposition leaders, dissidents, political prisoners, civil society leaders and human rights advocates.Watching the video of her eulogy, one could easily say she “had gone native” completely. But it was clear that her aim was to deliver the last punch to the gut of Meles’ opponents as a sendoff present.

As the old saying goes, “birds of a feather flock together”. Rice, like Meles, likes to insult and humiliate those who disagree with her. She had a reputation in the State Department as boor and a bit of a bully; or as those who knew her say, she was a “bull-in-a-china-shop”. She is known for verbal pyrotechnics, shouting matches and finger wagging at meetings. On one occasion, she is reported to have flipped her middle finger at the late Richard Holbrooke, the dean of American diplomats, at a senior State Department staff meeting. Prior to the onset of the air campaign in Libya in March 2012, France’s U.N. ambassador, Gerard Araud, advised Rice that the European Union would seek a no-fly zone resolution from the Security Council regardless of U.S. support. She gave Araud the verbal equivalent of a kick in the rear end: “You’re not going to drag us into your shitty war.” She later tried to claim full credit for the effort: “We need to be prepared to contemplate steps that include, but perhaps go beyond, a no-fly zone at this point, as the situation on the ground has evolved, and as a no-fly zone has inherent limitations in terms of protection of civilians at immediate risk.” This past July when China and Russia at the U.N. blocked adoption of language linking climate change to international security, she lambasted them as “pathetic” and “shortsighted” and accused them of “dereliction of duty.”

That was then. In the past several days, Rice was on the receiving end. Republican Senators John McCain and Lindsey Graham virtually called Rice a fool and an idiot for her statements following the U.S. Consulate attack in Benghazi, Libya on September 11 in which four Americans were murdered. Rice appeared on five national Sunday talk shows five days after the attack and made the boldfaced claim that the attack on the consulate “was a spontaneous — not a premeditated — response to what had transpired in Cairo in response to this very offensive video that was disseminated”. According to Rice, the protest by a “small number of people who came to the consulate” was “hijacked” by “clusters of extremists who came with heavier weapons.”

Senator McCain showed “little patience for fools, or idiots” and fairy tales when he angrily threatened  to block Rice if she were nominated to become Secretary of State: “Susan Rice should have known better, and if she didn’t know better, she’s not qualified. She has proven that she either doesn’t understand or she is not willing to accept evidence on its face. There is no doubt five days later what this attack was and for.”  Rice’s Benghazi story was reminiscent of the bedtime stories of the late Meles Zenawi.

Truth be told, only a “fool” or an “idiot” would not know or reasonably surmise the attack on the U.S. consulate  was a terrorist act. CIA Director David Petraeus recently testified that from the moment he heard of the attack, he knew it was a terrorist act. He included this fact in the talking points he sent to the White House which somehow got redacted form Rice’s public statements. The experts and pundits also called it a terrorist act. For Rice, it was a protest gone wrong.

But there remain a number of puzzling questions: Why was Rice selected to become the point person on the attack in light of President Obama’s defense that Rice “had nothing to do with Benghazi.” Why didn’t Hilary Clinton step up to explain what happened? Did the White House throw Rice under the bus to save Hilary? Was Rice supposed to provide plausible deniability and political cover until the election was over by calling a manifest terrorist attack a protest over an offensive anti-Muslim video?  Did Rice have to fall on the Benghazi sword to divert attention or delay accountability for the Administration’s failure to take appropriate preventive action in Benghazi as the price for nomination to the job of Secretary of State? Or was the White House trying to showcase Rice’s diplomatic adroitness and savvy in a futile attempt to bridge her unbridgeable competence and “stature gap” to become America’s foreign policy chief?

President Obama was ready to drive a lance through the heart of Republican villains hell bent on capturing and devouring his prevaricating damsel in distress. He told McCain and Graham to bring it on. If the Republican duo and their buddies “want to go after somebody, they should go after me. But for them to go after the U.N. ambassador? Who had nothing to do with Benghazi? And was simply making a presentation based on intelligence that she had received? To besmirch her reputation is outrageous.” That was great drama staged by “no drama Obama.” 

What is mindboggling is the fact that Rice would believe and earnestly propagate such a cock-and-bull story about the Benghazi attack. Rice is a person with extraordinary credentials. She is a graduate of Stanford and Oxford Universities and a Rhodes scholar to boot! She was a top official in the National Security Agency and an Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs in the Clinton Administration. She has two decades of solid high level foreign policy experience. Yet five days after the attack, Rice shuttled from one news talk show to another telling the American people the Benghazi attack was not an act of terrorism. Is that willful ignorance, foolishness or idiocy?

The fact that the attack occurred on September 11 —  a day that shall live in infamy in American history — and the attackers used their trademark “heavier weapons” (to use Rice’s words) of terrorism — pickup mounted machine guns, AK-47s, RPGs, hand grenades, mortars and IEDs — meant nothing to Rice. The fact that in Libya today there are all sorts of militias, rebel groups, Islamist radicals and terrorist cells are operating freely did not suggest the strong possibility of a terrorist attack for Rice. The fact that Gadhafi made Libya a state sponsor of terrorism for decades provided no historical context for Rice. Simply stated, in the Benghazi attack Rice saw something that looked like a duck, walked like a duck and quacked like a duck, but she concluded it was a giraffe.

The race card-ists and race baiters came out in full battle dress to defend Rice against charges of  “incompetence”. Rep. Jim Clyburn, House Assistant Democratic Leader, was the first to strike a blow by politicizing Rice’s incompetence. “You know, these are code words. These kinds of terms that those of us — especially those of us who were grown and raised in the South — we’ve been hearing these little words and phrases all of our lives and we get insulted by them. Susan Rice is as competent as anybody you will find.”  A group of democratic lawmakers delivered a second salvo charging “sexism and racism”. That was the shot across the bow and the message to the Republicans is clear:

Obama wants Rice as Secretary of State. He has won re-election. Rice will be nominated. Republicans who oppose her will be tarred and feathered as racists, sexists and misogynists persecuting a competent black woman. They will be demonized, dehumanized and discredited in the media. The democrats have 55 votes in the Senate and will be able to peel off at least 5 Republicans to end a filibuster. Rice will get the job of Secretary of State. Republicans will have eggs on their faces and will look like fools and idiots at the end of the day.

Such is the Democrat game plan and screenplay for victory and triumph in the Rice nomination. The Republicans will probably put up a nominal fight but will eventually fold under a withering Democrat attack. Rice will rise triumphant.

Rice’s confirmation as Secretary of State will be a sad day for American foreign policy because she is simply not qualified to be America’s diplomat-in-chief. Her confirmation will mark the saddest day for human rights throughout the world and particularly in Africa. Thetired, the poor, the huddled masses of Africa yearning to breath free will continue to find themselves in the iron chokehold of African dictators for another four years as Rice turns a blind eye to massive human rights violations. African dictators will be beating their drums and dancing in the streets. They will be happier than pigs in mud. They know she will have their backs for another four years. With Rice at the helm, there will be more money, more aid and more loans for African dictators. But the truth must be told. Calling Rice “incompetent” is a fact, not a racially coded denigration of African Americans. To paraphrase Clyburn, Rice is as incompetent as you will find.

The Peter Principle essentially states that in an organization where promotion is based on achievement, success, and merit, that organization’s members will eventually be promoted beyond their level of ability. In other words, “employees tend to rise to their level of incompetence.” The Dilbert principle states organizations tend to systematically promote their least-competent employees to higher management positions in order to limit the amount of damage they are capable of doing. If Rice succeeds Hilary Clinton, she will be a living example of the fusion of the Peter and Dilbert Principles at the highest level of the American government.

Let the truth be told: Susan Rice is simply not competent to become U.S. Secretary of State! To be a competent diplomat-in-chief of a great country, fundamental moral integrity is a necessity. Rice is incompetent because she lacks not only the moral judgment to tell right from wrong and truth from falsehood, but she is also incapable of distinguishing between two wrongs. In March 2012, Rice scathingly condemned Iran, North Korea and Syria “for their mass violations of human rights”. On September 2, 2012, she delivered a canonizing oration at the funeral of one of the ruthless dictators in recent African history. Twelve days before Rice recited Meles’ hagiography, Human Rights Watch issued a report stating, “Ethiopia has seen a sharp deterioration in civil and political rights, with mounting restrictions on freedom of expression, association, and assembly. The ruling party has increasingly consolidated its power, weakening the independence of core institutions such as the judiciary and the independent media that are crucial to the rule of law.”

A competent Secretary of State must have a working knowledge of military operations. Rice is clueless about military and paramilitary operations. She said the Benghazi attackers used “heavier weapons” but she could not connect the signature weapons of terrorists to the attackers who used them. Cluelessly or disingenuously, she tried to convince Americans and the world that a coordinated assault on a U.S. consulate in Benghazi was caused by “a small number of people” whose “protest” had gone awry!

A competent Secretary of State must have sound political judgment. Despite her stellar education and broad experience in foreign policy, Rice has traded intellectual integrity and prudence for blind political ambition. She seems incapable of discerning truth from falsehood even when it is obvious. She seems to have little concern for the truth or falsity of what she says; and evidently, she will say anything to advance her political ambitions in reckless disregard for the manifest truth. As Senator McCain perceptively observed, “she either doesn’t understand or she is not willing to accept evidence on its face”. She also does not seem to understand or appreciate the fact that a high level public official in her position has an obligation to undertake due diligence to find out what is true and what is false before swaggering in public peddling boldfaced lies.

A competent Secretary of State diplomat must subordinate his/her political ambitions to his/her patriotic duty to those who put their lives on the line to defend American values. Rice is incompetent because she will put her own political ambitions and loyalties to her political party above her patriotic duty to her fallen compatriots. She is a person for whom political expediency and opportunism are the creed of life.  She will blindly tow the party line and support a policy without regard to principles or scruples. In other words, Susan Rice is a party hack and not material for the job of America’s diplomat-in-chief.

A competent Secretary of State must have intellectual courage and conviction. Rice is incompetent because she lacks intellectual courage, commitment and conviction. In a scholarly writing in 2006, Rice energetically argued that “Mali [as] an example of a well-governed country that suffers from capacity gaps that extremist groups have been able to exploit.  Mali cooperates fully with the United States on counterterrorism matters.”  In April 2012, when radical Islamist rebels took over Northern Mali and split the country in half, all she could offer was an empty statement calling on “all parties in Mali (including murderous terrorists) to seek a peaceful solution through appropriate political dialogue.” She folded her hands and watched for nearly four years doing nothing as Mali spiraled from a “well-governed country” to a divided strife-stricken country half of which today is a haven for murderous terrorists. Rice will talk the talk but not walk the talk.

A competent Secretary of State must be tempered in language and demeanor. Rice is incompetent because she lacks diplomatic temperament and thrives on being antagonistic, condescending and disrespectful to colleagues and other diplomats. A bullying and loose cannon Secretary of State cannot perform his/her job competently. She has a disgusting scatological lexicon. She is intolerant and arrogant and will try to vilify into submission those who disagree with her.

It is said that “stupid is as stupid does”; so “incompetent is as incompetent does”. I hope President Obama will not nominate Rice to replace Clinton. But I believe he will and we will all get to see a Shakespearean mini-drama at the confirmation hearings: “To be, or not to be (Secretary of State): that is the question (for Rice):/Whether ’tis nobler in the mind to suffer (for all the lies she has told)/ The slings and arrows of outrageous fortune (in a Senate confirmation hearing),/ Or to take arms against a sea of troubles (by coming clean and telling the truth)…/.

I believe Rice will be will be exposed for what she really is at the confirmation hearing– a grand obfuscator of the truth, an artful dodger and a masterful artist of political expediency and intrigue. In 1994, when the Clinton Administration pretended to be ignorant of the terror in Rwanda and the death toll continued to rise by the thousands, Rice’s concern was not taking immediate action to stop the genocide and saving lives but the political consequences of calling the Rwandan tragedy a “genocide” and saving her job and others in her party. She had the audacity, moral depravity and sheer callous indifference to ask, “If we use the word ‘genocide’ and are seen as doing nothing, what will be the effect on the November [congressional] election?”

Did Rice avoid using the word “terrorism” in explaining the Benghazi attack because she was concerned about the political costs the President would have to pay in the November election if the voters were to see him as doing nothing to prevent it?

At the end of the day, what Rice told the American people five days after the Benghazi attack, to quote Shakespeare, “is a (tall) tale told by an idiot, full of sound and fury, signifying nothing.”

Previous commentaries by the author are available at:

http://open.salon.com/blog/almariam/

www.huffingtonpost.com/alemayehu-g-mariam/

የሱዛን ራይስ ሸፍጥ በቤንጋዚው ጥቃት ላይ!

ከፕሮፌሰር  ዓለማየሁ  ገብረማርያም

ትርጉም  ከነጻነት ለሃገሬ

በሴፕቴምበር 2 2012 የአሜሪካዋ አምባሳደር በተባበሩት መንግስታት: ሱዛን ራይስ በኢትዮጵያ ጠቅላይ ሚኒስትር መለስ ዜናዊ የቀብር ስርአት ላይ ስሜታዊ ሆና የሚያቅለሸልሽ ቃላት ያዘለ ንግግር አነብንባ ነበር፡፡ መለስን፤ ‹‹የማይደክምና ራሱን የማይወድ››በአጠቃላይ እሱነቱ ለስራውና ለቤተሰቡ የሆነ ብላዋለች፡፡ ‹‹ጠንካራ፤ በእምነቱ የጸና እና በእርግጥም ለጂሎችና ለደደቦች  እሱ እንደሚጠራቸው ትእግስቱ ትንሽ ነበር፡፡ ሱዛን ራይስ ይህን ቅጥ ያጣና ከአንድ አሜሪካን ከሚያህል ሃገር ወኪል ጨርሶ ሊሰማ የማይገባ ያልተገራ ንግግር ስታደርግ ጅልና ደደብ የሚለውን ቃል በድፍረትና በአጥንኦት የለጠፈችው በኢትዮጵያዊያን ነጻ ጋዜጠኞች፤የተቃዋሚ መሪዎች፤ተሟጋቾች፤የፖለቲካ እስረኞች፤የሲቪል ማሕበረ ሰብ መሪዎች፤እና የሰብአዊ መብት ተሟጋቾች ላይ ነው፡፡ የንግግሯን ቪዲዮ በመመልከት  ሴትዮዋ ይህን ንግግር የመለስን ተቃዋሚዎች በመጨረሻ ጡጫ  ደረታቸዉን ብላ ለመለስ የአስከሬን መሸኛ አድርጋ ማቅረቧ እንደነበር ያስታውቃል፡፡

‹‹ አንድ አይነት ላባ ያላቸው ወፎች አብረው ይከንፋሉ›› ይባባል፡፡ ራይስ እንደ መለስ ሁሉ ተቃዋሚዎቿንና ሃሳቧን የማይጋሯትን ትሳደባለች ታንቋሽሻለች፡፡ በስቴት ዲፓርትመንት አካባቢ የሚያውቋት በዘለፋ በቁጣና በማስፈራራት አነጋገራዎ ነው፡፡ በዚህም አጉል ደንፊ ተብላ ትታወቃለች፡፡ አለያም በጣም በሚያውቋት ዘንድ ‹‹የቻይና መደብር በሬ›› (አተራማሽ ወይም በጥባጭ ማለት ነው) ይሏታል፡፡ በስብሰባዎች ላይ በቃላት ርችት፤በአፈነበልባል፤በጣት ቀሳሪነት ራይስ ትታወቃለች፡፡ በአንድ ወቅት በአሜሪካን ዲፕሎማቶች ዋና ታዋቂ በነበሩት ሪቻርድ ሆል ብሩክ ላይ የበላዮች ስቴት ዲፓርትመንት አባላት ስብሰባ ላይ በአሜሪካንና በሌላውም ዓለም በሳቸው ደረጃ ካሉ ሰዎች የማይጠበቀውንና ጸያፍ ተብሎ የሚጠራውን ድርጊት በአደባባይ የመሃል ጣታቸውን ቀስረውባቸዋል ይባላል፡፡

በማርች 2012 የፈረንሳዩ የተባበሩት መንግስታት አምባሳደር ለራይስ እንደምክር የአውሮፓ ዩኒየን አሜሪካ ደገፈም አልደገፈም የበረራ ክልከላ ዞን ከተባበሩት መንግስታት የደህንነት ካውንስል ይፈልጋል በማለት ላቀረቡላት ሃሳብ ራይስ ለአምባሳደሩ ወሽመጥ በሚቆርጥ አነጋገር ‹‹መቼም ወደ አዛባ ጦርነታችሁ እንደማትጎትቱን አምናለሁ›› በማለት ከያዘችው ስልጣንና ከፈረንሳይ አቻዋ ጋር ሊደረግ በማይገባ የጋጠ ወጥ አባባል መልሳላቸዋል፡፡ በኋላ ግን ይህ ያጥላላችው ሃሳብ አመርቂ ውጤት በማስገኘቱ የሃሰቡ አፍላቂ በመምሰል ምስጋናውን ጠቅላ ለራሷ ለማድረግ በመዘየድ ‹‹ከማሰብና ከማቀድ ባለፈ የበረራ ክልከላውን ዞን በማጠናከር ልናተኩርበትና ልንተገብረውም አስፈላጊነቱ ወሳኝ ነው፡፡ የምድሩ ፍልሚያ ብዙም ስላላዋጣና ሲቪል ማህበረሰቡንም ከአደጋው ለመጠበቅ አዋጪው ይሄው ነውና›› በማለት ቀድማ ያጣጣለችውንና የፈረንሳዩን አቻዋን የሰደበችበትን ሃሳብ መልሳ በራሷ አፍላቂነት የተገኘ ለማስመሰል ጥራበታለች፡፡ ባለፈው ጁላይ ቻይናና ሩስያ ስለዓየር ለውጥ የቀረበውን ሂደት በተቃወሙበት ወቅት ራይስ ጉደኛዋ እዚህም ላይ ‹‹እርባና ቢስ›› ‹‹ሃሳበ ቢስ›› በማለት በማጣጣል ‹‹ የተግባር ውድቀት›› በማለት ኮንናቸዋለች፡፡

ያ እንግዲህ ያ ነበር፡፡ባለፈው ሳምንት በቤንጋዚ ሊቢያ ውስጥ በሴፕቴምበር 11 የ አራት አሜሪካውያንን ሕይወት የቀጠፈውን በአሜሪካን ኮንሱሌት የደረሰውን ፍንዳታ አስመልክቶ ራይስ በሰጠችው ዘገባ የተነሳ የሪፓብሊካን ሴኔተሮች ጆን ማኬይንና ሊንድሲ ግራሃም ሱዛን ራይስን ጅል ደደብ ስራዋን የማታዉቅ ናት የሚል ሃያል አስተያየታቸውን ሰንዝረውባታል፡፡ ራይስ ከፍንዳታው አምስት ቀናት በኋላ በአምስት የተሌቪዝን ዜና ፕሮግራሞች ላይ ቀርባ፤ “በኮንስሌቱ ላይ የደረሰው ፍንዳታ ግብታዊ፤ በእቅድ ያልተደረገ፤ ነው:: በካይሮ በተነሳሳው ተቃውሞ ላይ የተመሰረተና ዋናው አነሳሽም አጸያፊውና አሳዛኝ የሆነው የእስላምን እምነት የሚያንቁያሽሽ የቪዲዮ ዝግጅት ያስከተለው ነው” በማለት ገለጠች፡፡ እንደ ራይስ አባባል፤በጥቂት ሰዎች ስብስብ ወደ ኤምባሲው የሄደው የተቃውሞ ትዕይንት በድንገት በተጠናከረ መሳርያ በታጠቁ አክራሪ ስብስቦች ‹‹ተጠልፎ›› ነው አደጋው የተፈጸመው ብላ ነበር፡፡

‹‹ሴኔተር ማኬይን ለ‹‹ጅሎችና ለደደቦች ትዕግስታቸው ማለቁን›› እና ለራይስ ተረት ተረት ጨዋታ ቁጣቸው ገንፍሎ ራይስ የውጭ ጉዳይ  ዋና አስተዳደሪ ሆና ስሟ ለምርጫ ቢቀርብ ተቃውሟቸው የከረረ እንደሚሆንና ለማሳገድም እንደሚጥሩ አስጠንቅቀው ነበር፡፡ ‹‹ሱዛን ራይስ ቀድማ ልታውቅ ይገባት ነበር፡፡ ሳታውቅ ከቀረች ደግሞ ለቦታው ጨርሶ አትመጥንም፡፡ አንድ ያረጋገጠችው ጉዳይ ቢኖር፤ ወይ አይገባትም ደድባለች አለያም፤ ያገጠጠውን ሃቅ መቀበል ቸግሯታል” ብለው በሃይል ቃል ተናግረዋል፡፡ ይህ የጥቃት ድርጊት ከአምስት ቀን በኋላ በእውነታነት የተረጋገጠው ነገር ነበር፡፡ለነገሩ የራይስ የቤንጋዚ ታሪክ የቀድሞው መለስ ዜናዊ የመኝታ ሰአት ተረት ተረት ቅሪትን ያስታዉሳል፡፡››

ሃቅ በገሃድ ይውጣ::  በቤንጋዚ የአሜሪካን ኮንሱሌት ላይ የደረሰው ጥቃት የሽብርተኞች መሆኑን ማወቅ የተሳነው አለያም መገመት ያቃተው ‹‹ጅል››ና ‹‹ደደብ›› ብቻ ነው፡፡ የሲ አይ ኤ ዋና ሹም የነበሩት ፔትራዩስ፤ በቅርቡ በሰጡት መግለጫ መሰረት፤ ፍንዳታው መፈጸሙን እነደሰሙ ድርጊቱ የሽብርተኛች መሆኑን ወዲው ማወቃቸውንና ማረጋገጣቸውን ይፋ አድርገዋል፡፡ ይህን መግለጫ ለሁዋይት ሃውስ የመነጋገርያ ነጥብ  እንዲሆን ቢያቀርቡትም ከራይስ ንግግር ላይ አልገባም ነበር:: ለነገሩ ግራ የሚያጋባው ጉዳዩ በአግባቡ የሚያገባቸውና መግለጫውንም ሊሰጡ የሚገባቸው ዋና አስተዳዳሪዋ ሂላሪ ክሊንተን ሆነው ሳለ፤በምን ሰበብ ራይስ ጥልቅ እንዳለች ግልጽ አይደለም፡፡ ለምን ሂላሪ መግለጫውን አልሰጡም፤ወይስ ሁዋይት ሃውስ ሂላሪን ለማዳን ሲል ራይስን አውቶቡስ ጎማ ስር እንደታኮ አስቀመጣት? ወይስ ራይስ እውነት የሚመስል ቅጥፈትና የፖለቲካ ሽፋን ለመስጠት ነበር የሽብርተኞች ድርጊት አይደለም ያለችው? ካልሆነስ፤ ምናልባት በቤንጋዚው ስለታማ ጉዳይ

ላይ ወድቃ አስፈላጊውን እርምጃ በወቅቱና ባስቸኳይ ባለመወሰዱ ያደረሰውን ጉዳት መከላከያ ለማቅረብ የሞከረችህው? ወይስ በቤንጋዚ ለተፈጸመው እኩይ ተግባር ራይስ መሳርያ በመሆን ወደ፤ የሃገር አስተዳዳሪነቱን ሹመት ለማግኘትበቀላማጅነት መቅረቧ ነው፡፡ ወይስ ሁዋይት ሃውስ የራይስን የእውቀት ደረጃ፤ ጥንካሬ፤ያላትን አይደፈሬነትማስመሰልና የተፈጠረውን ክፍተት ለማጥበብ ሲባል ለሹመቱ ያላትን ብቃት ለማረጋገጥ የተፈጸመ ነው?

ፕሬዜዳንት ኦባማ የሪፓብሊካን ራይስ አቀንቃኞች ላይ ጎራዴአቸዉን መዘው ነበር የወጡት፡፡ ማኬይንንና እና ግራሃምን ኦባማ ሲናገርዋቸው ‹‹ሪፓብሊካኖችናወዳጆቻቸው ሰው ማጥቃት ካሰቡ እኔን ማጥቃት ይችላሉ፡፡ ግን በአንዲት የሃገሪቱን የተባበሩት መንግስታትአምባሳደር ላይ መነሳሳት? በቤንጋዚ ጉዳይ በማያገባት ላይ? እና ከደህንነት ክፍሉ ያገኘችውን መግለጫ መሰረትአድርጋ በመናገሯ? ስሟንና ተግባሯን ማጥላላትና ማንቋሸሽ አሳዘኝ ተግባር ነው፡፡››  ይሄ እንግዲህ ‹‹የኦባማ ድራማ ›› በሚባለው አይነት የተቀነባበረ ትእይንት ድራማ ነበር፡፡

ለሕሊና የሚከብደውና አሳፋሪ ነገር ግን ይህን የመሰለውን ቅጥ አምባሩ የጠፋ የቤንጋዚ የጥቃት ታሪክ ራይስ አምና ለአለም ማስተጋባቷ ነው፡፡ራይስ እኮ እንደብዙዎቻችን ዝም ብላ አይደለችም፡፡ የስታንፈርድ እና የኦክስፎርድ ዩኒቨርስቲዎች ተመራቂ፤የሮድስ ስኮላር፤ በናሽናል ሴኪዩሪቲ ኤጀንሲ ከፍተኛ ቦታ ላይ የነበረች፤ በክሊንተን አስተዳደር ወቅት የሃገር አስተዳደር የአፍሪካ ጉዳይ ምክትል ጸሃፊ የነበረች ከፍ ያለች ባለስልጣን እኮ ናት፡፡ በሃገር የውጭ ግንኙነት የበርካታ ዓመታትልምድ ያላት ሰው ናት፡፡ያም ሆኖ አደጋው ከተፈጸመ ከአምስት ቀናት በኋላ ራይስ ከአንዱ ቴሌቪዥን ፕሮግራም ወደ ሌላው እየከነፈች፤ ለአሜሪካን ሕዝብ የቤንጋዚው ፍንዳት የአስሸባሪዎች (ቴሬሪስቶች) ጥቃት አይደለም በማለት ታስተጋባ ጀመር፡፡ ታዲያ ይሄ የአውቆ ደደብነት ነው ወይስ የጅል መልካም አስተሳብ? ፍንዳታው በሴፕቴምበር 11 መፈጸሙ፤ጥቃቱን የፈጸሙት መታወቂያቸው የሆነውን (ራይስ እንደአለችው) የሽብር መፈጸሚያቸውን ‹‹ከባድ መሳርያዎች›› የተተቀሙ፤ ……..በመኪና ላይ የተደገነ መትረየስ፤ ኤኬ-47ቶች (ካላሽ)፤ አርፒጂዎች የእጅ ቦምቦች፤ ሞርታሮች፤ ይሄ ሁሉ የጥፋት ቁሳቁስ ለራይስ ምንም ነገር መስሎ አልታያትም፡፡ ከጋዳፊ ከስልጣን መወገድ ቀደም ብሎ፤ብዙ ዓይነት ሚሊሺያዎች አመጸኞች፤ በርካታ የሽብር ድርጅቶች (ሴሎች) በቤንጋዚ መኖራቸው ለራይስ የሽብር ጥቀቱን ሊያመጣ እንደሚችል ሊያስገምታት አልቻለም:: ጋዳፊ ሊቢያን ለብዙ ዓመታት ለሽብርተኞች ሃገራዊ እርዳታ ለጋሽ አድርጓት እንደነበር ለራይስ ምንም አይነት ታሪካዊ እንድምታ ሊያስገነዝባት አልቻለም፡፡ በቀላሉ አነጋገር ለራይስ ጉዳዩ እንደ ወፍ መስሎ እንደ ወፍ ተራምዶ ቢታያትም እሷ ግን ግመል ነው ብላ ደመደመች፡፡

የእሽቅድድሙ አባሎችና የሩጫው አራጋቢዎች የራይስን የችሎታ ማነስ ሊያስተባብሉ ከያሉበት ተጠራርተው የጦር ልብሳቸውን ተላብሰው ተሰባሰቡ፡፡ የዴሞክራት ምከር ቤት መሪ ጂም ክላይበርን የመጀመርያው ተከላካይ ነበር፡፡‹‹አያችሁ እነዚህ እኮ የሚስጥር አነጋገር ቃላቶች ናቸው፡፡ እኛ እነዚህን አባባሎች በተለይም እኛ በደቡብ  ተወልደን ያደግነው፤ህይወታችንን ሙሉ እነዚህን ቃላት (የስራ ችሎታ የላቸዉም) ስነባል ስንሰደብ ነው የኖርነው:: ሱዛን ራይስ ከማንም የማታንስ አዋቂ ናት:›› ብለው ተናገሩ::  ሌሎች ዴሞክራቶችም ጉዳዩን ‹‹የጾታና የዘር›› አድርገው መኮነን ጀመሩ፡፡ ምን አይነት እሳቤ ማጣት ነው?  ሆኖም: ራይስን ‹‹ችሎታ ቢስ ማለት?›› ስም  ማጥፋት አይደለም:: እውነት ነው እንጂ::

ጥረቱ ማኬይንንና ግራሃምን ለማዋረድ ተብሎ የተቃጣና የራይስን ችሎታ ቢስነት ለማድበስበስ ተብሎ የታቀደ ነው፡፡ መልክቱ ለሪፕቡሊካኖች ግልጥ ነው። ፕሬዝደንት ኦባማ ራይስን ዉጭ ጉዳይ መሪ እንድትሆን ይፈለጋሉ። ተቃዋሚ ረፑብሊካኖች ከወጡ እንደ ዘርኛና ሴቶችን እንደሚጠሉ ሆነው በብዙሃን ይቀርባሉ። ራይስ ቩመቱን ታገኛለች፥ ረፑብሊካንስ ይከሽፋሉ የሚል ዝየዳ ነው ደሞክራቶች የያዙት። ሊሰራላችው ይችላል።

ዕውነቱ ግን ራይስ የትም ቢጓዙ የማትገኝ ችሎታ ቢስ ፍጡር ናት፡፡ የአንድ ታላቅ ሃገር ብቃት ያለው ዲፕሎማት ለመሆን መሰረታዊ የሞራል ብቃት ዋነኛ ተፈላጊው ጉዳይ ነው፡፡ራይስ ሃቁን ከውሸቱ ለይታ ለማወቅ የሞራል የፍርድ ሚዛን የጎደላት በመሆኗ ብቻ ሳይሆን፤ ሁለት ውሸቶችን ለመለየትም ቢሆን ችሎታው እጅጉን ይጎድላታል፡፡ በማርች 2012፤ ራይስ በጭፍኗ  ኢራንን፤ ሰሜን ኮርያን፤ሲሪያን ስለሚያካሂዱት የሰብአዊ መብት ጥሰት እስከመጨረሻ ድረስ ኮነነቻቸው፡፡ በሴፕቴምበር 2, 2012 በአሁኑ የአፍሪካ ታሪክ ተወዳዳሪ የማይገኝለት ፈላጭ ቆራጭ በሆነው መሪ ቀብር ላይ ተገኝታ በሙገሳ መላክ የሚያስመስል የተካበ ንግግሯን አሰማች፡፡ ራይስ የመለስን የሕይወት ታሪክ ከማቅረቧ አስራ ሁለት ቀናት ቀደም ብሎ፤ሁመን ራይትስ ዎች የተባለው ዓለም አቀፍ የሰብአዊ መብት ጠባቂ ድርጅት‹‹በኢትዮጵያ የሲቪልና የፖለቲካ መብት ሂደት እያሽቆለቆለ በመሄድ ላይ ነው፡፡ ሃሳብን በነጻ መግለጽ፤በማህበርመደራጀት፤ መሰብሰብ፤ ሁሉ እገዳ እየተደረገባቸው ነው፡፡ ገዢው ፓርቲ የጉልበት ስልጣኑን በመቆጣጠር፤ የፍትሕ አካላትን ፤የመገናኛ ብዙሃንን ነጻነት ለሕግ የበላይነት በእጅጉ አስፈላጊ የሆኑትን በመቆጣጠር በደል መፈጸሙእየባሰበት ነው›› በማለት መግለጫ አውቷል፡፡

ብቃት ያለው ዲፕሎማት ስለወታደራዊ ተቋም በቂ እውቀት ሊኖረው ይገባል፡፡ በውጭ ጉዳይ ተግባር ላይ በቂ ልምድና ትምህርት ቢኖራትም: ራይስ የስልጣን መጨበጫውን መንገድ በጭፍን የፖለቲካ ምኞቷ ሸቅጣዋለች፡፡ ዕውነትን ከመቀላመድ ለመለየት ችሎታ ያነሳት ትመስላለች፡፡ ራይስ የራሷን የፖለቲካ ምኞት እስካሳካላት ድረስ አውነት ይሁን ሃሰትጉዳይዋ አይደለምና ምንም ነገር ከማለት ወደኋላ አትልም፡፡ ሴኔተር ማኬይን እንደታዘቡትና እንዳሰቀመጡት ‹‹ሴትዮዋ ወይም ምንም አይገባትም፤ አለያም ማስረጃን ከነማስረጃው ሲቀርብ መቀበል አትፈቅድም›› ብለዋል:: ከዚያም አልፎእንደ አንድ በሷ ደረጃ ያለ ከፍተኛ ሕዝባዊ ባለስልጣን በሕዝብ ፊት ቀርቦ ያገጠጠ ውሸትን ከማቅረብ በፊት እውነቱንና ሃሰቱን አጥርቶ ማወቅ ይጠበቅበታል፡፡

ብቃት ያለው ዲፕሎማት፤የሷን/የሱን የፖለቲካ ምኞት ከሱ/ከሷ ብሔራዊ ግዳጅ ጋር ማዛመድ ጠበቅበታል፡፡ የራሷንየፖለቲካ ምኞትና ጠቀሜታ ለፓርቲዋ መገልገያ አድርጋ በማስቀደም፤ ብሔራዊ ሃላፊነቷን ስለምትተወው ራይስ ችሎታ ይጎድላታል ብሔራዊ ተአመኒነትም የላትም፡፡ ራይስ የፖለቲካ ጥቅም እና ጥቅም አሳዳጅነት፤ ከምንም በላይቅድሚያ የምትሰጣቸው መመሪያዎቿ ናቸው፡፡ በጭፍኗ የፓርቲዋን መስመር በመከተል ምንም አይነት ፖሊሲ ቢሆን ያለምንም ዓላማና ግንዛቤ  የምታራምድ ናት፡፡ የራሷን የፖለቲካ ምኞት እስካሳካለት ድረስ ምንም ይሁን ምንም የአለምንም ይሉኝታ ተግባራዊ ከማድረግ የማትመለስ፤የሞራል ግዴታዋን ጠቅልላ የጣለች አደራ በላ ናት፡፡ በአጭሩ የፓርቲ አናፋሽ ሆና የራሷን የፖለቲካ ምኞት ብቻ ለማሳካት የምትኖር ግለ ሰብ ናት፡፡

ብቃት ያለው ዲፕሎማት የችሎታ ጥንካሬ ሊኖረው ግድ ነው፡፡ የችሎታ ጥንካሬና ሃለፊነት ስለሚጎላት ራይስ ችሎታ ያንሳታል፡፡ በ2006 ባቀረበችው ምሁራዊ ጽሁፏ፤ ራይስ ማሊ እንደ መልካም አስተዳደር ያላት ሃገር በችሎታ ማነስ የምትሰቃይ ሃገርና አክራሪዎች ሲመዘብሯት የኖረች ሀጋር ናት በማለት ጽፋ ነበር፡፡ ማሊ በጸረሽብርተኝነት ከአሜሪካ መንግስት ጋር የጠበቀ ትስስር ያላት ናት፡፡ በኤፕሪል 2012 አክራሪ የሙስሊም አፈንጋጮች ሰሜናዊ ማሊን በመያዝ ሃገሪቱን ለሁለት በከፈሉበት ወቅት ግን፤ራይስ ያደረሰችው ዕርዳታ ‹‹በማሊ ያሉት ፓርቲዎች ሁሉ አግባብነት ባለው የፖለቲካ ውይይት ሰላማዊ ኑሮን ሊቀጥሉ ይገባል›› የሚል የቃላት ድርደራ ብቻ ነበር፡፡ ያቺ‹‹የመልካም አስተዳደር›› ሃገር የነበረች ማሊ የተከፋፈለችና ለመከራ የተዳረገች፤ የሽብርተኞች መናሃርያ ስትሆን በትንሹ ለአራት ዓመታት ራይስ ቃላት ከመደርደር ባሻገር እርምጃውን መራመድ ግን አልቻለችም፡፡

ብቃት ያለው ዲፕሎማት በቃላት አጠቃቀሙና በምግባሩ ሁሉ የታረመ ሊሆን ተገቢ ነው፡፡ የዲፕሎማቲክ አስተሳሰብ ስለሚጎድላት፤ዘወትር ነገር ጫሪ ሆና ስለምትገኝ፤ አብረዋት ለሚሰሩትና ለሌሎች ዲፕሎማቶች አክብሮት ስለሌላት፤ጉረኛና ደንፊ በመሆኗ ራይስ የችሎታ ማነስ ችግር አለባትና ብቃት የላትም፡፡ ሱዛን ራይስን ‹‹ጅል››አለያም ‹‹ግሳንግስ››ብዬ ዝቅ ለማለት አልፈልግም፡፡ ለነገሩ፤ ሁለቱንም እንዳይደለች አምናለሁ:: ይልቁንስ፤የራሷን የፖለቲካ ምኞት ለማሳክት ስትል እሷነቷን ለሽያጭ የምታቀርብ፤ አስሊ፤ሸፍጠኛ፤ተንኮለኛ፤ሰሪ፤ ሃሳብ ሰላቢ፤ራስ ወዳድ፤ የሆነች ፖለቲከኛ ናት፡፡ ሃሰትን ለመሸፋፈን በሚደረግ ሴራ ውስጥ ፈቃደኛ ሽፋን ሆና የምታገለግል እኩይ ባህሪ ያላት ናት፡፡ በዚህም በመሸፋፈን ተግባሯ  ስለሽብርተኞቹ ሁኔታ በማለባበስ በድርጊቱ ሕይወታቸው ያለፉትን አራት አሜሪካዊያን አርበኞች የግድያ መንስኤ ምንነት አሳንሳ አቅርባ የአሜሪካንንና የዓለምን ሕብረተሰብ ለማታለል ከንቱ ጥረት አሳየች፡፡

‹‹ውዳቂ እንደውዳቂው ሁኔታ ነው›› እንደሚባለው ‹‹የችሎታ ማነስም እንደችሎታው አናሳነት ነው››፡፡ ፕሬዜዳንትኦባማ ራይስ ክሊንተንን እንድትተካ አይመርጧትም የሚል ተስፋ አለኝ፡፡ ከመረጧትም ከባድና ትልቅ  ሼክስፒራዊ  ችግር ይገጥማታል፡፡ (የሃገር አስተዳደር) ‹‹መሆን ወይም አለመሆን›› ያ ነው ጥያቄው፡፡‹‹ከሕሊና ጭንቀት መላቀቅ ያ ነው ክብር የሞላው›› (ለቀላመደቻቸው እብለቶች ሁሉ) ላልታሰበው ሽንቆጣና ቀስቶች ፍላጻ ላልታሰበው መጻኢ እድል ውሳኔ (በሴኔቱ ዘንድ ለሚደረገው እሰጥ አገባ) አለያም በባሀሩ ላይ ላለው ሞገድ መሳርያ መምዘዝ፤ (ዕውነትን በመናገርን ጸህናን ማስመስከር) ራይስ በምርጫው ቀንቷት ወደ ሴኔት ውሳኔ ከደረሰች፤እውነተኛ እሷነቷ፤ እውነትን ለፖለቲካ መጠቀሚያነትና የራሷን ምኞት ለማሳካት ስትል የምትዳክር ሃቅ አልባ መሆኗ ይጋለጣል፡፡ በ1994 የክሊንተን አስተዳደር በሩዋንዳ በመካሄድ ላይ የነበረውን እልቂትና የዘር ማጥፋት ጭፍጨፋ እንደማያውቅ አስመስሎ በቸልታ ሊያልፈው ሲሞክር የሞቱ ቁጥር በሺዎች እየጨመረ ሄዶ ጭፍጨፋውንና የዘር እልቂቱን ለማቆም አፋጣኝ እርምጃ በመውሰድ ሕወት ማትረፍሲቻል፤የራሷን ስልጣን ላለማጣትና የሷንና የመሰል የፓርቲ ባለስልጣናትን ስምና ሁኔታ ለመጠበቅ ስትል ብቻ ሰው አስጨረሰች፡፡  ስትናገርም “የዘር ማጥፋት የሚለውን ቃል የተጠቀምን እንደሆነና ምንም ሳናደርግ ብንቀር፤ የኖቬምበሩ የምክር ብት ምርጫ ምን ሊያጋጥው ይችላል?”  አለች:: የሱዛን ራይስ ችሎታ ይህ እውንታዊ ምስክር ነው::

አሁንም: ራይስ በቤንጋዚ የተፈጸመውን ድርጊት ሽብር ብላ ለመጥራት ያስፈራትና ያሳሰባት በኖቬምበር በሚካሄደው ፕሬዜዳንታዊ ምርጫ ላይ ሊያስከትል የሚችለው ችግር አስጨንቋት ነውን?

እመት: ሱዛን ራይስ ሆይ! ‹‹ጅሉስ›› ማነው? ‹‹ደደቡስ›› ማነው አሁን?

የተቶረገመው ጽሁፍ (translated from):

http://open.salon.com/blog/almariam/2012/11/24/the_tall_tale_of_susan_rice

ካሁን በፊት የቀረቡ የጸሃፊው ጦማሮችን  ለማግኘት እዚህ ይጫኑ::

http://www.ecadforum.com/Amharic/archives/category/al-mariam-amharic

http://ethioforum.org/?cat=24

አስታውሳለሁ! እንዴት እረሳለሁ!!

አስታውሳለሁ! እንዴት እረሳለሁ!!

ከፕሮፌሰር  ዓለማየሁ  ገብረማርያም

ትርጉም  ከነጻነት ለሃገሬ

በ ሰኔ 6-8 እና በ ህዳር 1-4 2005 (እንዳሮፓ አቆጣጠር) በ በግንቦት 2005 የተካሄደውን ምርጫ ተከትሎ ኢህአዴግ ያወጣውን ሕገ መንግሥት በማመን ባዶ እጃቸውን ወደ አደባባይ የወጡ ንጹሃን ወንዶች፤ሴቶች፤ሕጻናት ኢትዮጵያዊያን በቅርቡ ሕይወታቸው ባለፈው በመለስ ዜናዊ ቀጥተኛ ትእዛዝና ቁጥጥር ሕይወታቸው በአሰቃቂ ሁኔታ በጥይት ተደብድበው ተገድለዋል። በአቶ መለስ ዜናዊና በፓርላማው ሕጋዊ ሆኖ የተዋቀረው የአጣሪ ኮሚሽን  አጣርቶ እንደዘገበው እውነታ፤ “ባዶ እጃቸውን በሕገ መንግሥቱ ላይ በጸደቀው መብታቸው መሰረት ወደ አደባባይ ከወጡትና ሰላማዊ ሰልፍ በማካሄድ ላይ ከነበሩት መሃል 193ቱ፤ እና እንዲሁም በመንግሥት ወህኒ ቤት ታስረው ባሉት በርካታዎች ላይ ከፖሊስ በተተኮሰ ጥይት ሕይወታቸው አልፏል 763ም ቁስለኛ ሆነዋል፡፡ አጣሪ ኮሚሽኑ ሁኔታውን በአግባቡና ከወገንተኛነት ነጻ በሆነ መንፈስ በማጣራት የንጹሃኑ ደም አለ አግባብ መፍሰሱን ሕይወታቸውም መቀጠፉን ዘግቧል፡፡ ገዢው መንግሥትና የገዢው መንግሥት መገናኛ ብዙሃን፤ እንዲሁም ወንጀሉን የፈጸሙት ፖሊሶችና ሌሎች የጦሩ አባላት የሰነዘሩትን ክስ ኮሚሽኑ በማጣራት ሂደቱ ጨርሶ ተአማኒነት የሌለው ፈጠራ ነው ብሎ አጣጥሎታል፡፡ በአጣሪው ዘገባ መሰረት “በሰላማዊ ሰልፈኞቹ በንብረት ላይ የደረሰ አንዳችም ጥፋት አለመኖሩን አረጋግጧል፡፡ አንድም ሰልፈኛ ሽጉጥም ሆነ ቦምብና ሌላም መሳርያ የያዘ አልነበረም፡፡ ከመንግሥት ታጣቂ ሃይሎችም የተተኮሱት ጥይቶች ሰልፈኛውን አስፈራርቶ ለመበተን የተቃጡ ሳይሆኑ በማነጣጠር ለመግደል ሆን ተብለው መተኮሳቸውን የሚያሳየው ሟቾችና ቁስለኞች የተመቱት ደረታቸውንና ጭንቅላታቸውን መሆኑ ነው፡፡”

(ጠቃሚ መረጃ፡-  የኮሚሽኑ የ193 የሟች ዜጎች ዘገባ የሚያጠቃልለው ሰኔ 6-8 እና በ ህዳር 1-4 2005 (እንዳሮፓ አቆጣጠር) ያለውን ግድያ ብቻ ነው፡፡ የ2005ቱን ምርጫ ተከትሎ በግልጽ ከተመዘገበው ግድያ ውጪ በመንግስት የጦር ሃይሎች ለሞት የተዳረጉት ቁጥራቸው እጅጉን የናረ ሲሆን ይህም የግድያዎቹ ዘገባ ኮሚሽኑ ዘገባውን ከሚያቀርበበት ከተወሰነው ወቅት ካለፈ በኋላ በመታወቃቸው ነው፡፡)

አስታውሳለሁ: እንዴትስ ይረሳል!

የሰማእታት ዝርዝር:

ረቡማ እሸቴ እርጋታ 34  ግንበኛ፡፡ መልሳቸው ደምሴ አላምነው 16 ተማሪ፡፡ ሀድራ ሹክራ ኡስማን 22፤ ስራዋ ያልታወቀ፡፡ ጃፈር ሰይድ ኢብራሂም 2፤8 አነስተኛ ነጋዴ፡፡መኮንን 17 ስራው ያልታወቀ፡፡ ወልደሰማያት: ስራ አጥ፡፡ ባሕሩ  ምን ላርግህ ደምለው  ስራው ያልታወቀ፡፡ፈቃደ ነጋሽ፤ 25 ሜካኒክ፡፡ አብራሃም  ይልማ፤ 17 ታክሲ ረዳት፡፡ ያሬድ በላቸው እሸቴ፤23 አነስተኛ ነጋዴ፡፡ ከበደ ወ/ጊ/ሕይወት፤17 ተማሪ፡፡ ማቲያስ ግርማ ፍልፍሉ 14 ተማሪ፡፡ ጌትነት አያሌው ወዳጆ፤ 48 አነስተኛ ንግድ፡፡ እንዳልካቸው መገርሳ ሁንዴ፤18፤ ስራው ያልታወቀ፡፡ አልዩ ጠዩሱፍ ኢሳ 20  የቀን ሰራተኛ፡፡ ሳምሶን ንጉሴ ያዕቆብ 23 የህዝብ ትራንስፖርት፡፡ አለበለው አሸናፊ አበበ፤18 ተማሪ፡፡ በልዩ ባዩ ዘአ፤ የትራንስፖርት ረዳት፡፡ ዩሱፍ አብደላ ጀማል፤23 ተማሪ፡፡ አብርሃም ስሜ ወ/አገኘሁ፤23 የትራንስፖርት ረዳት፡፡ ሞሃመድ ሁሴን ቤካ፤ 45 ገበሬ፡፡ ረደላ ክንባዱ አደል፤19 የታክሲ ረዳት፡፡ ሃብታሙ አመንሲሳ ኡርጌሳ፤ አነስተኛ ንግድ፡፡ ዳዊት ፈቃዱ ጸጋዬ፤ 19 ሜካኒክ፡፡ ገዛኸኝ መንገሻ ገረመው፤ 15 ተማሪ፡፡ ዮናስ አሰፋ አበራ፤24 ስራው አልታወቀም:: ግርማ  ዓለሙ ወልዴ፤38 ሾፌር፡፡ ወ/ሮ ደስታ ኡማ ብሩ፤38 አነስተኛ ንግድ፡፡ ለገሰ ቱሉ ፈይሳ፤ 60 ግንበኛ፡፡ ተስፋዬ ድልገባ ቡሽራ፤ 19 ጫማ አዳሽ፡፡ ቢኒያም ደንበላ ደገፋ፤ 18፤ ሥራ አጥ፡፡ ሚሊዪን ከበደ ሮቢ፤32 የትራነስፖርት ረዳት፡፡ ደረጀ ዳመና ደኒ፤24 ተማሪ፡፡ ነቢዩ ዓለማየሁ ሃይሌ፤ 16 ተማሪ፡፡ ምትኩ ኡድማ ሚሶንዳ፤ 24 የቤት ሰራተኛ፡፡ አንዋር ኪያር ሱሩር፤ 22 አነስተኛ ንግድ፡፡ ንጉሴ ዋበኝ፤36 የቤት ሰራተኛ፡፡ ዙልፋ ሱሩር ሃሰን 50 የቤት እመቤት፡፡

ዋሲሁን ከበደ፤ 16 ተማሪ፡፡ ኤርሚያስ ፈቃዱ ከተማ፤ 20 ተማሪ፡፡ 00428፤ 25 ስራው ያልታወቀ፡፡ 00429፤26 ስራው ያልታወቀ፡፡00430 30 ስራው ያልታወቀ፡፡ አዲሱ በላቸው፤ 25 ስራው ያልታወቀ፡፡ ደመቀ ካሳ አበበ፤  ስራው ያልታወቀ፡፡00432፤ 22፤ ስራው ያልታወቀ፡፡00450፤20፤ ስራው ያልታወቀ፡፡ 13903፤25፤ ስራው ያልታወቀ፡፡ 00435 30፤ ስራው ያልታወቀ፡፡13906፤25፤ ስራው ያልታወቀ፡፡ ተማም ሙክታር፤ 25 ስራው ያልታወቀ፡፡በየነ ኑር ቤዛ፤ 25፤ስራው ያልታወቀ፡፡ ወሰን አሰፋ፤ 25፤ ስራው ያልታወቀ፡፡ አበበ አንተነህ፤ 30 ስራው ያልታወቀ፡፡ ፈቃዱ ሃይሌ፤ 25፤ ስራው ያልታወቀ፡፡ ኤልያስ ጉልቴ፤ ስራው ያልታወቀ፡፡ብርሃኑ አሸሞ ወረቃ፤ ስራው ያልታወቀ፡፡ አሸብር ዓየለ መኩሪያ፤ ስራው ያልታወቀ፡፡  ዳዊት ፈቃዱ ሰማ፤ ስራው ያልታወቀ፡፡ መርሃ ጽድቅ ሲራክ፤ 22፤ ስራው ያልታወቀ፡፡ በለጠ ጋሻው ጠና፤ ስራው ያልታወቀ፡፡ በሃይሉ ተስፋዬ፤ ስራው ያልታወቀ፡፡ 21760፤18፤ ስራው ያልታወቀ፡፡ 21523, 25፤ ስራው ያልታወቀ፡፡11657, 24,  ስራው ያልታወቀ፡፡21520, 25  ስራው ያልታወቀ፡፡ ; 21781, 60 ስራው ያልታወቀ፡፡ጌታቸው አዘዘ፤ 45 ስራው ያልታወቀ፡፡; 21762, 75 ስራው ያልታወቀ፡፡ 11662,45, ስራው ያልታወቀ፡፡21763, 25, ስራው ያልታወቀ፡፡  13087, 30, ስራው ያልታወቀ፡፡ 21571, 25, ስራው ያልታወቀ፡፡ 21761, 21, ስራው ያልታወቀ፡፡ እንዳልካቸው ወ/ ገብርኤል፤ 27 ስራው ያልታወቀ፡፡

ሃይለማርያም አምባዬ፤ 20 ስራው ያልታወቀ፡፡ መብራቱ ውብሸት ዘውዱ 27 ስራው ያልታወቀ፡፡ ስንታዬሁ እስጢፋኖስ በየነ፤ 14 ስራው ያልታወቀ፡፡ ታምሩ ሃይለሚካኤል፤ ስራው ያልታወቀ፡፡ አድማሱ ተገኝ አበበ፤ 45 ስራው ያልታወቀ፡፡ እቴነሽ ይማም፤50፤ስራ ያልታወቀ፡፡ ወርቄ አበበ፤ 19፤ስራ ያልታወቀ፡፡ፍቃዱ ደግፌ 27 ስራ ያልታወቀ፡፡ ሸምሱ ካሊድ፤25፤ስራ ያልታወቀ፡፡አብዱዋሂድ አህመዲነ፤30፤ ስራ ያልታወቀ፡፡ ተክሌ ደበሌ፤ 20 ስራ ያልታወቀ፡፡ ታደሰ ፈይሳ 38፤ ስራ ያልታወቀ፡፡ ሰሎሞን ተስፋዬ 25፤ ስራ ያልታወቀ፡፡ ቅጣው ወርቁ፤25፤ ስራ ያልታወቀ፡፡ እንዳልካቸው ወርቁ፤ 25፤ ስራ ያልታወቀ፡፡ ደስታ አያሌው ነጋሽ፤ 30፤ስራ ያልታወቀ፡፡ ይለፍ ነጋ፤ 15፤ ስራ ያልታወቀ፡፡ዮሐንስ ሃይሌ፤20፤ ስራ ያልታወቀ፡፡ በሃይሉ ተሸመ ብርሃኑ፤30፤ ስራ ያልታወቀ፡፡ሙሉ ኩምሳ ሶሬሳ፤50፤ የቤት እመቤት፡፡ ቴዎድሮስ ግደይ ሃይሉ፤ 23 ጫማ አሻሻጭ፡፡ ደጀኔ ይልማ ገብሬ፤18 ሱቅ ሰራተኛ፡፡ፀጋ ሁን ወልደ ገብርኤል፤18፤ተማሪ፡፡ ደረጃ ማሞ ሃሰን፤27፤ አናጢ፡፡ ረጋሳ ጉቱታ ፈይሳ፤55፤ ላወንድሪ ሰራተኛ፡፡ቴዎድሮስ ገብረወልድ፤28 የግል ስራ፡፡

መኮንን ደስታ ገ/ እግዚአብሔር፤20፤ ሜካኒክ፡፡ ኤልያስ ገ;ጊዮርጊስ23 ተማሪ፡፡ አብርሃም አሰፋ መኮንን፤ 21፤ የቀን ሰራተኛ፡፡ጥሩወርቅ ገ/ ጻድቅ፤ 41፤ የቤት እመቤት፡፡ሄኖክ ቀጸላ መኮንን፤ 28፤ ስራ ያልታወቀ፡፡ ጌቱ ሸዋንጉስ መረታ፤ 24፤ ስራ ያልታወቀ፡፡ ወ/ሮ ክብነሽ መልኬ ታደሰ፤ 52፤ ስራ ያልታወቀ፡፡ መሳይ አዲሱ ስጦታው፤ 29፤ የግል ስራ፡፡ ሙሉዓለም ንገሤ ወየሳ፤ 15፡፡ አያል ሰው ማሞ፤23፤ ስራ ያልታወቀ፡፡ ስንታየሁ መለሰ፤ 24፤ የቀን ሰራተኝ፡፡ ወ/ሮ ጸዳለ ዓለሙ ቢራ፤50፤ የቤት እመቤት፡፡ አባይነህ ሳራ ሰዴ፤ 35፤ ልብስ ሰፊ፡፡ ፍቅረማርያም ቁምቢ ተሊላ፤ 18፤ ሾፌር፡፡ ዓለማየሁ ገርባ፤ 26፤ ስራ ያልታወቀ፡፡ ጆርጅ ጌትዬ አበበ፤ 36፤ የግል ትራንስፖርት፡፡ ሃብታሙ ዘገየ ቶላ፤ 16፤ ተማሪ፡፡ ምትኩ ዘለቀ ገ/ሥላሴ፤24፤ ተማሪ፡፡ ምትኩ ዘለቀ ገ/ ስላሴ፤ 24 ፤ ተማሪ፡፡  ትእዛዙ ወግል ሰራተኛ፡፡ ፍቃዱ አመላ ዳልጌ፤ 36፤ ልብስ ሰፊ፡፡ ሸዋጋ በቀለ ወ/ ጊዮርጊስ፤ 38፤ የቀን ሰራተኛ፡፡ ዓለማየሁ ኢፋ ዘውዴ፤ 32፤ ጨርቃ ጨርቅ ሰራተኛ፡፡ ዘልዓለም  ቀጸላ ገ/ጻድቅ፤ 31፤ ታክሲ ነጂ፡፡ መቆያ መብራቱ ታደሰ፤ 19 ተማሪ፡፡ ሃይልዬ ግርማ ሁሴን፤ 19፤ ተማሪ፡፡ ወ/ሮ ፍስሐ ጣሰው ውሩፋ፤  23፤ ፖሊስ፡፡ ወጋየሁ ዘርይሁን አርጋው፤ 26 ሥራ አጥ፡፡

መላኩ መኮንን ከበደ፤ 19፤ ስራ ያልታወቀ፡፡ አባይነህ ደዴ ኦራ፤ 25፤ ልብስ ሰፊ፡፡ ወ/ሮ አበበች በቀለ ሁለቱ፤ 50፤ የቤት እመቤት፡፡ ደመቀ  አበጀ ጀምበሬ፤  30፤ ገበሬ፡፡ ክንዴ መለሰ ወረሱ፤ 22፤ ስራ አጥ፡፡ እንዳለ እውነቱ ገብረመድህን፤ 23፤ የግል ሰራተኛ፡፡ ዓለማየሁ ተሸመ ወልዴ፤ 24፤ መምህር፡፡ ብስራት ተስፋዬ ደምሴ፤ 24፤ መኪና አስመጪ፡፡ መስፍን ገ/ወልድ ሃብተ ጊዮርጊስ፤ 23 የግል ስራ፡፡ ወሊዮ ሁሴን ዳሪ፤ 18፤ የግል ስራ፡፡ በሃይሉ ግርማ ገብረ መድህን፤ 20፤ በግል ስራ፡፡ ሲራጅ ኑሪ ሰኢድ፤ 18፤ ተማሪ፡፡ ኢዮብ ገብረ መድህን፤ 25፤ ተማሪ፡፡ ዳንኤል ወርቁ ሙሉጌታ፤ 25፤ የቀን ሰራተኛ፡፡ ቴዎድሮስ ከበደ ደገፋ፤ 25፤ ጫማ ፋብሪካ ሰራተኛታ፡፡ ጋሻው ታደሰ ሙሉጌታ፤ 24፤ ተማሪ፡፡ ከበደ በዳሶ ኢርኮ፤ 22፤ ተማሪ፡፡ ለቻሳ ከፈና ለታሳ፤  21፤ ተማሪ፡፡ ጃገማ በዳኔ በሻህ፤ 20፤ ተማሪ፡፡  ደበላ አኦለታ ጉታ፤ 15፤ ተማሪ፡፡ መላኩ፤ተረፈ ፈይሳ፤ 16፤ ተማሪ፡፡ ወ/ሮ እልፍነሽ ተክሌ፤ 45፤ ስራው ያልታወቀ፡፡ ሃሰን ዱላ፤ 64፤ ስራ ያልታወቀ፡፡ ሁሴን ሃሰን ዱላ፤ 25፤ ስራ ያልታወቀ፡፡ ጸሃይ ደጀኔ ደምሴ፤ 15፤ ስራ ያልታወቀ፡፡ ስሙ ያልታወቀ፡፡ ስሙ ያልታወቀ፡፡ ስሙ ያልታወቀ፡፡ አግደው ፤ 18፤ ስራ ያልታወቀ፡፡ ጌታቸው  አፈወርቅ ተረፈ፤ 16፤ ስራ ያልታወቀ፡፡ ደለለኝ ክንዴ ዓለሙ፤ 20፤ ስራ ያልታወቀ፡፡ ዩሱፍ ሞሃመድ ኡመር፤ 20፤ ስራ ያልታወቀ፡፡

መኩርያ ተፈራ ተበጀ፤ 22፤ ስራ ያልታወቀ፡፡ ባድሜ ሞገስ ተሻማሁ፤ 20፤ ስራ ያልታወቀ፡፡ አምባው ጌታሁን፤ 38፤ ስራ ያልታወቀ፡፡ ተሾመ  አዲስ ኪዳኔ፤ 65፤ የጤና ተቋም ሰራተኛ፡፡ ዮሴፍ ሙሉጌታ ረጋሣ፤ ስራ ያልታወቀ፡፡ አቢዩ ንጉሴ፤  ስራ ያልታወቀ፡፡ ታደሰ ሻሬ በሃጋ፤ ስራ ያልታወቀ፡፡ ኤፍሬም ጥላሁን ሻፊ፤ ስራ ያልታወቀ፡፡ አበበ ሐርቆ ሃማ፤ ስራ ያልታወቀ፡፡ ገበሬ ሞላ፤ ስራ ያልታወቀ፡፡ ሰይዲን ኑረዲን፤ ስራ ያልታወቀ፡፡ እንየው ጌታቸው ጸጋዬ 32፤ ትራንስፖርት ረዳት፡፡ አብዱራህማን ሁሴን ፈረጀ፤  32፤ አናጢ፡፡ አብዱል መናን ሁሴን፤ 28፤ በግል ሰራተኛ፡፡ ጂግሳ ቶላ ሰጠኝ፤ 18፤ ተማሪ፡፡ አሰፋ  አብሽሮ ነጋሳ፤ 33፤ አናጢ፡፡ ከተማ ኩቦ ኢንኮ 23፤ ልብስ ሰፊ፡፡ ክብረት ዕድሉ እልፍነህ፤ 48፤ ጥበቃ ሰራተኛ፡፡ ኢዮብ ገዛኸኝ ዘመድኩን፤ 24፤ ግል ሰራተኛ፡፡ ተስፋዬ ብርሃኔ መነገሻ፤ 15፤ በግል፡፡ ሻምበል ደበሳ ሰርቤሳ ቶሎሳ፤ 58፤ በግል ስራ፡፡ ትንሳኤ መንግስቱ ዘገየ፤ 14 ልብስ ሰፊ፡፡ ኪዳኔ ገብሬ ሽኩሮው፤ 25፤ የቀን ሰራተኛ፡፡ አንዱዓለም ሽበላው፤ 16፤ ተማሪ፡፡ አዲሱ ዳኜ ተስፋሀን፤ 19፤ በግል፡፡ ካሳ በየነ፤ 28፤ ባለ ልብስ ሱቅ፡፡ ይታገሱ ሲሳይ፤ 22፤ ስራ ያልታወቀ፡፡ ያልታወቀ፡፡ ያልታወቀ፤ 22፤ ስራ ያልታወቀ፡፡

የመንግስት ደህንነት ሰራተኞች ከቡድናቸው በተተኮሰ ጥይት የተገደሉ፤(እርስ በርስ የተገዳደሉ) ነጋ ገብሬ፤ ጀበና ደሳለኝ፤ ሙሊቶ ኢርኮ፤ ዮሐንስ ሰሎሞን፤ አሸናፊ ደሳለኝ፤ ፌያ ገብረመንፈስ፡፡

ኖቬምበር 2/2005 (እንዳሮፓ አቆጣጠር) በቃሊቲ ወህኒ ቤት ተዘግቶባቸው እያሉ የተጨፈጨፉ ፍርደኞችና ፍርድ በመጠበቅ ላይ የነበሩ፡፡

1. ጠይብ ሸምሱ ሞሃመድ፤ ዕድሜው ያልታወቀ፤የመሳርያ ትግል ሲያነሳሳ ተብሎ ክስ የቀረበበት፡፡2. ሳሊ ከበደ፤ዕድሜው ያልታወቀ፤ክስ ያልተመሰረተበት፡፡3. ሰፊው እንድሪስ፤ታፈሰ ወረዳ፤ ዕድሜያቸው ያልታወቀ በአሰገድዶ መድፈር የተከሰሱ፡፡ 4. ዘገየ ተንኮሉ በላይ፤ ዕድሜ ያልታወቀ፤በስርቆት የተከሰሰ፡፡ 5. ቢያድግልኝ ተማም፤ ዕድሜው ያልታወቀ፤ክሱ ያልታወቀ፡፡ 6. ገብሬ መስፍን ዳኜ፤ ዕድሜው ያልታወቀ፤ወንድ፤ ክሱ ያልታወቀ፡፡ 7. በቀለ አብርሃም ታዬ፤ዕድሜ ያልታወቀ፤ወንድ፤ 8. አበሻ ጉታ ሞላ፤ ዕድሜ ያልታወቀ፤ ወንድ ክሱ ያልታወቀ፡፡ 9. ኩርፋ መልካ ተሊላ፤ በማስፈራራት የተከሰሰ፡፡

10. በጋሻው ተረፈ ጉደታ፤ ዕድሜው ያልታወቀ፤ ወንድ፤ በሰላም ማደፍረስ የተከሰሰ፡፡ 11. አብዱዋሂብ አህመዲን፤ ዕድሜ ያልታወቀ፤በስርቆት የተከሰሰ፡፡ 12. ተስፋዬ አቢይ ሙሉጌታ፤ ዕድሜው ያልታወቀ፤ በመሳርያ ትግል ማነሳሳት የተከሰሰ፡፡ 13. አዳኔ ቢረዳ፤ዕድሜው ያልታወቀ፤ወንድ፤ በግድያ የተከሰሰ፡፡ 14. ይርዳው ከርሴማ፤ ዕድሜው ያልታወቀ፤ወንድ፤ ክስ ያልተመሰረተበት፡፡ 15. ባልቻ ዓለሙ ረጋሳ፤ ዕድሜው ያልታወቀ፤ወንድ፤ በስርቆት የተከሰሰ፡፡ 16. አቡሽ በለው ወዳጆ፤ ዕድሜው ያልታወቀ፤ ወንድ ክስ ያልተመሰረተበት፡፡ 17. ዋለልኝ ታምሬ በላይ፤ ዕድሜ ያልታወቀ፤ወንድ፤ በአስገድዶ መድፈር የተከሰሰ፡፡ 18. ቸርነት ሃይሌ ቶላ፤ዕድሜ ያልታወቀ፤ ወንድ፤ በስርቆት የተከሰሰ፡፡ 19. ተማም ሸምሱ ጎሌ፤ ዕድሜው ያልታወቀ፤ ክስ ያልተመሰረተበት፡፡

20. ገበየሁ በቀለ አለነ፤ ዕድሜው ያልታወቀ፤ ወንድ፤ ክስ ያልተመሰረተበት፡፡ 21. ዳኔኤል ታዬ ለኩ፤ ዕድሜ ያልታወቀ፤ ወንድ፤ ክስ ያልተመሰረተበት፡፡ 22. ሞሃመድ ቱጂ ከኔ፤ ዕድሜ ያልታወቀ፤ ክስ ያልተመሰረተበት፡፡ 23. አብዱ ነጂብ ኑር፤ ዕድሜ ያልታወቀ፤ ወንድ፤ ክስ ያልተመሰረተበት፡፡ 24. የማታው ሰርቤሎ፤ በአስገድዶ መድፈር የተከሰሰ፡፡ 25. ፍቅሩ ናትናኤል ሰው ነህ፤ ዕድሜው ያልታወቀ ወንድ፤  በማስፈራራት የተከሰሰ፡፡ 26. ሙኒር ከሊል አደም፤ ዕድሜው ያልታወቀ፤ ወንድ፤ በዋለጌነት የተከሰሰ፡፡ 27. ሃይማኖት በድሉ ተሸመ፤ ዕድሜው ያልታወቀ፤በማጭበርበር የተከሰሰ፡፡ 28. ተስፋዬ ክብሮም ተክኔ፤ ዕድሜው ያልታወቀ፤ ወንድ፤ በስርቆት የተከሰሰ፡፡ 29. ወርቅነህ ተፈራ ሁንዴ፤ ዕድሜ ያልታወቀ፤ ወንድ፤ ክስ ያልተመሰረተበት፡፡

30. ሲሳይ ምትኩ፤ በማጭበርበር የተከሰሰ፤ 31. ሙሉነህ አይናለም ማሞ፤ ዕድሜው ያልታወቀ፤ ወንድ፤ ክስ ያልተመሰረተበት፡፡ 32. ታደሰ ሩፌ የኔነህ፤ በማስፈራራት የተከሰሰ፡፡ 33. አንተነህ በዬቻ ቀበቻ፤ ዕድሜው ያልታወቀ፤ ወንድ፤ የመሳርያ ትግል በማነሳሳት የተከሰሰ፡፡ 34. ዘርይሁን መሬሳ፤ ዕድሜ ያልታወቀ፤ ወንድ፤ ንብረት በማውደም የተከሰሰ፡፡ 35. ወጋየሁ ዘርይሁን አርጋው፤ በስርቆት የተከሰሰ፡፡ 36. በከልካይ ታምሩ፤ ዕድሜ ያልታወቀ፤ወንድ፤ ክስ ያልተመሰረተበት፡፡ 37. የራስወርቅ አንተነህ፤ዕድሜ ያልታወቀ፤ በማጭበርበር የተከሰሰ፡፡ 38. ባዘዘው ብርሀኑ፤ ዕድሜ ያልታወቀ፤ በሶዶማዊ ተግባር ማነሳሳት የተከሰሰ፡፡39. ሰሎሞን ኢዮብ ጉታ፤ዕድሜ ያልታወቀ፤ በአስገድዶ መድፈር  የተከሰሰ፡፡

40. አሳዩ ምትኩ አራጌ.ዕድሜ ያልታወቀ፤ወንድ፤ በማስፈራራት የተከሰሰ፡፡ 41. ጋሜ ሃይሉ ዘዬ፤ዕድሜ ያልታወቀ፤ ወንድ፤ ጸጥታ በመንሳት የተከሰሰ፡፡ 42. ማሩ እናውጋው ድንበሬ፤ዕድሜ ያልታወቀ፤በአስገድዶ መድፈር የተከሰሰ፡፡ 43. እጅጉ ምናሌ፤ ዕድሜ ያልታወቀ፤ ወንድ፤ በመግደል ሙከራ የተከሰሰ፡፡ 44. ሃይሉ ቦስና ሃቢብ፤ዕድሜ ያልታወቀ፤ ወንድ፤ መደበቂያ በመስጠት የተከሰሰ፡፡45. ጥላሁን መሰረት፤ዕድሜ ያልታወቀ፤ ክስ ያልተመሰረተበት፡፡46. ንጉሴ በላይነህ፤ ዕድሜ ያልታወቀ፤ ወንድ፤ በስርቆት የተከሰሰ፡፡ 47. አሸናፊ አበባው፤ ዕድሜ ያልታወቀ፤ወንድ፤ ክስ ያልተመሰረተበት፡፡ 48. ፈለቀ ድንቄ፤ ዕድሜ ያልታወቀ፤ወንድ፤ ክስ ያልተመሰረተበት፡፡49. ጀንበሬ ድንቅነህ ቢለው፤ዕድሜ ያልታወቀ፤ጸጥታ በማወክ የተከሰሰ፡፡

50. ቶሎሳ ወርቁ ደበበ፤ዕድሜ ያልታወቀ፤ወንድ፤ በስርቆት የተከሰሰ፡፡ 51. መካሻ በላይነህ ታምሩ፤ዕድሜ ያልታወቀ፤ ወንድ፤ በዱር አዳሪነት የተከሰሰ፡፡ 52. ይፍሩ አደራው፤ ዕድሜ ያልታወቀ፤ ወንድ፤ ክስ ያለተመሰረተበት፡፡ 53. ፋንታሁን ዳኜ፤ ዕድሜ ያልታወቀ፤ ወንድ፤ ክስ ያልተመሰረተበት፡፡ 54. ጥበበ ዋኬኔ ቱፋ፤ ዕድሜ ያልታወቀ፤ወንድ፤ የመሳርያ ትግል በመቀስቀስ የተከሰሰ፡፡ 55. ሰሎሞን ገብረዓምላክ፤ ዕድሜ ያልታወቀ፤ ወንድ፤ ቡር አዳሪነት የተከሰሰ፡፡56. ባንጃው ቹቹ ካሳሁን፤ ዕድሜ ያልታወቀ፤ወንድ፤በስርቆት የተከሰሰ፡፡ 57. ደመቀ አበጀ፤ ዕድሜ ያልታወቀ፤ ወንድ፤ በመግደል ሙከራ የተከሰሰ፡፡.58. እንዳለ እውነቱ መንግስቴ፤ወንድ፤ክስ ያልተመሰረተበት፡፡ 59. ዓለማየሁ ገረባ፤ ዕድሜ ያልታወቀ፤ወንድ፤በ2004 በተካሄደው የዩኒቨርሲቲ ተማሪዎች እንቅስቃሴ በማነሳሳት የተከሰሰ፡፡60. ሞርኮታ ኢዶሳ፤ ዕድሜ ያልታወቀ፤ ወንድ፤ ክስ ያልተመሰረተበት፡፡

[ለታሪክ መዝገብ፡- ቢያንስ የ237 በዚህ ግድያና ጭፍጨፋ በቀጥታ ተሳትፈው የነበሩት የተረጋገጠ የፖሊስና የደህንነት አባልት ስም ዝርዝር  በመዝገብ አለ፡፡  በአስቸኳይ ወደ ፍርድ ሊቀርቡ ይገባል፡፡

የሰባዊ መብት ተምዋጋች የኔ ሰው ገብሬን አስታውሳለሁ

በ 11/11/11 (እንዳሮፓ አቆጣጠር) መምህርና የሰብአዊ መብት ተሟጋች የነበረው የ 29 ዓመቱ የኔ ሰው ገብሬ በዳውሮ ዞን፤ተርቻ ቀበሌ በደቡብ ኢትዮጵያ በሕዝብ መሰብሰቢያ ቦታ እራሱን በእሳት አቃጥሎ ተሰዋ፡፡ በቃጠሎው በደረሰበት ጉደት የተነሳ በ3ኛው ቀን ሕይቱ አለፈ፡፡ የኔ ሰው እራሱን በእሳት ከማያያዙ በፊት፤ በቦታው ለተሰበሰቡት ሰዎች ‹‹ሕግና መልካም አስተዳደር በሌለበት፤ ሰብአዊ መብት በሚጣስበት ሃገር፤ እነዚህ ወጣቶች በነጻ እንዲለቀቁ ስል እራሴን እሰዋለሁ›› በማለት ተናገረ፡፡ የኔ ሰው ገብሬን አስታውሳለሁ::

አስታውሳለሁ! እንዴት እረሳለሁ!!

‹‹ ተስፋን ላለማጣት አንድ ሺህ አንድ ሰበቦች ለመፍጠር እየታገልኩም፤ ገዳዮቹን አስታውሳለሁ፤ ሟቾቹን አስታውሳለሁ፡፡ ምክንያቱም እያስታወስኩ ፤እሰቃያለሁ፡፡ስለማስታዉስም ተስፋ አደርጋለሁ::›› ኤሊ ዌይሴል: ከሆሎኮስት የተረፈና የኖቤል የሰላም  ሽልማት ተቀባይ::

አስታውሳለሁ!

እንዴት እረሳለሁ!!

ሁሌም ተስፋ አደርጋለሁ!!!

ሁላችንም ልናስታውስ እንጂ መርሳት አንችልም፡፡

እንዳይደገም!!!

የተቶረገመው ጽሁፍ (translated from):

http://open.salon.com/blog/almariam/2012/11/12/i_remember

(ይህን ጦማር ለሌሎችም ያካፍሉ::)

ካሁን በፊት የቀረቡ የጸሃፊው ጦማሮችን  ለማግኘት እዚህ ይጫኑ::

http://www.ecadforum.com/Amharic/archives/category/al-mariam-amharic

http://ethioforum.org/?cat=24

 

Ethiopia: I Remember!

Never Again!

MA2On June 6-8 and November 1-4, 2005, following the Ethiopian parliamentary elections in May of that year, hundreds of citizens who protested the theft of that election were killed or seriously wounded by police and security personnel under the exclusive command and control of the late Meles Zenawi. An official Inquiry Commission established jointly by Meles Zenawi and the Ethiopian parliament documented that 193 unarmed men, women and children demonstrating in the streets and scores of other detainees held in a high security prison were intentionally shot and killed by police and security officials. An additional 763 were wounded.

The Commission completely exonerated the victims and pinned the entire blame on the police and paramilitary forces.  The Commission concluded, “There was no property destroyed [by protesters]. There was not a single protester who was armed with a gun or a hand grenade as reported by the government-controlled media that some of the protesters were armed with guns and bombs. [The shots fired by government forces] were not intended to disperse the crowd but to kill by targeting the head and chest of the protesters.”

[Important Note: The Commission’s list of 193 victims includes only those deaths that occured on June 6-8 and November 1-4, 2005, the specific dates the Commission was authorized to investigate. It is believed the Commission has an additional list of victims of extra-judicial killings by government security forces which it did not publicly report because the killings occured outside the dates the Commission was authorized to investigate.]

I remember…

Rebuma E. Ergata, 34, mason; Melesachew D. Alemnew, 16, student; Hadra S. Osman, 22, occup. unknown; Jafar S.  Ibrahim,28,  sm. business; Mekonnen, 17, occup. unknown; Woldesemayat, 27, unemployed; Beharu M. Demlew, occup. unknown; Fekade Negash, 25, mechanic; Abraham Yilma, 17, taxi; Yared B. Eshete, 23, sm. business; Kebede W. G. Hiwot, 17, student; Matios G. Filfilu, 14, student;Getnet A. Wedajo, 48, Sm. business; Endalkachew M. Hunde, 18, occup. unknown; Kasim A. Rashid, 21, mechanic; Imam A. Shewmoli, 22,  sm. business; Alye Y. Issa, 20, laborer; Samson N. Yakob, 23, pub. trspt.; Alebalew A. Abebe, 18, student; Beleyu B. Za, 18, trspt. asst.; Yusuf A. Jamal, 23, occup. student; Abraham S. W.  Agenehu, 23, trspt. asst.; Mohammed H. Beka, 45, farmer; Redela K. Awel, 19, taxi Assit., Habtamu A. Urgaa, 30, sm. Business.  

Dawit F. Tsegaye, 19, mechanic; Gezahegne M. Geremew, 15, student; Yonas A. Abera, 24, occup. unknown; Girma A. Wolde, 38, driver; W/o Desta U. Birru, 37, sm. business; Legese T. Feyisa, 60, mason; Tesfaye D. Bushra, 19, shoe repairman; Binyam D. Degefa, 18, unemployed; Million K. Robi, 32, trspt. asst.; Derege D. Dene, 24,  student; Nebiyu A. Haile, 16, student; Mitiku U. Mwalenda, 24, domestic worker; Anwar K. Surur, 22, sm. business; Niguse Wabegn, 36, domestic worker; Zulfa S. Hasen, 50, housewife; Washun Kebede, 16, student; Ermia F. Ketema, 20, student; 00428, 25, occup. unknown; 00429, 26, occup. unknown; 00430, 30, occup. unknown; Adissu Belachew, 25, occup. unknown; Demeke K. Abebe,uk, occup. unknown; 00432, 22, occup. unknown; 00450, 20, occup. unknown; 13903, 25, occup. unknown; 00435, 30, occup. unknown. 

13906, 25, occup. unknown; Temam Muktar, 25, occup. unknown; Beyne N. Beza, 25, occup. unknown; Wesen Asefa, 25, occup. unknown; Abebe Anteneh, 30, occup. unknow; Fekadu Haile, 25, occup. unknow; Elias Golte, uk, occup. unknown; Berhanu A. Werqa, uk, occup. unknown; Asehber A. Mekuria, uk, occup. unknown; Dawit F. Sema, uk, occup. unknown, Merhatsedk Sirak, 22, occup. unknown; Belete Gashawtena, uk, occup. unknown;  Behailu Tesfaye, 20, occup. unknown; 21760, 18, occup. unknown; 21523, 25, occup. unknown; 11657, 24, occup. unknown; 21520, 25, occup. unknown; 21781, 60, occup. unknown; Getachew Azeze, 45, occup. unknown; 21762, 75, occup. unknown; 11662,45, occup. unknown; 21763, 25, occup. unknown; 13087, 30, occup. unknown; 21571, 25, occup. unknown; 21761, 21, occup. unknown; 21569, 25, occup. unknown; 13088, 30,  occup. unknown; Endalkachew W. Gabriel, 27, occup. unknown.

Hailemariam Ambaye, 20, occup. unknown; Mebratu W. Zaudu,27, occup. unknown; Sintayehu E. Beyene, 14, occup. unknown; Tamiru Hailemichael, uk, occup. unknown; Admasu T. Abebe, 45, occup. unknown; Etenesh Yimam, 50, occup. unknown; Werqe Abebe, 19, occup. unknown; Fekadu Degefe, 27, occup. unknown Shemsu Kalid, 25, occup. unknown; Abduwahib Ahmedin, 30, occup. unknown; Takele Debele, 20, occup. unknown, Tadesse Feyisa,38,  occup. unknown; Solomon Tesfaye, 25, occup. unknown; Kitaw Werqu, 25, occup. unknown; Endalkachew Worqu, 25, occup. unknow; Desta A. Negash, 30, occup. unknown; Yilef Nega, 15, occup. unknown; Yohannes Haile, 20, occup. unknown; Behailu T. Berhanu, 30, occup. unknown; Mulu K. Soresa, 50, housewife, Teodros Gidey Hailu, 23, shoe salesman; Dejene Yilma Gebre, 18, store worker; Ougahun Woldegebriel, 18, student; Dereje Mamo Hasen, 27, carpenter; Regassa G. Feyisa, 55, laundry worker; Teodros Gebrewold, 28, private business. 

Mekonne D. G.Egziaber, 20, mechanic; Elias G. Giorgis, 23, student; Abram A. Mekonnen, 21, laborer; Tiruwerq G.Tsadik, 41, housewife; Henok H. Mekonnen; 28, occup. unknown; Getu S. Mereta, 24, occup. unknown;W/o Kibnesh Meke Tadesse, 52, occup. unknown; Messay A. Sitotaw, 29, private business; Mulualem N. Weyisa, 15, Ayalsew Mamo, 23, occup. unknown; Sintayehu Melese, 24, laborer;  W/o Tsedale A. Birra, 50, housewife; Abayneh Sara Sede, 35, tailor; Fikremariam K. Telila, 18, chauffer; Alemayehu Gerba, 26, occup. unknown; George G. Abebe,36, private trspt.; Habtamu Zegeye Tola, 16, student; Mitiku Z. G. Selassie, 24, student; Tezazu W. Mekruia, 24, private business; Fikadu A. Dalige, 36,  tailor; Shewaga B. W.Giorgis, 38, laborer; Alemayehu E. Zewde, 32, textile worker; Zelalem K. G.Tsadik, 31, taxi driver; Mekoya M. Tadesse, 19, student; Hayleye G. Hussien, 19, student; W/o Fiseha T. G.Tsadik, 23, police employee; Wegayehu Z. Argaw, 26, unemployed.  

Melaku M. Kebede, 19, occup. unknown; Abayneh D. Orra, 25, tailor; W/o Abebch B. Holetu, 50, housewife;  Demeke A. Jenbere, 30, farmer; Kinde M. Weresu, 22, unemployed; Endale A. G.Medhin, 23, private business; Alemayehu T. Wolde,24, teacher; Bisrat T. Demisse, 24, car importer; Mesfin H. Giorgis, 23, private business, Welio H. Dari, 18, private business, Behailu G. G.Medhin, 20, private business; Siraj Nuri Sayed, 18, student; Iyob G.Medhin, 25, student; Daniel W. Mulugeta,25, laborer; Teodros K. Degefa,25, shoe factory worker; Gashaw T. Mulugeta, 24, student; Kebede B. Orke, 22, student; Lechisa K. Fatasa, 21, student; Jagama B. Besha,20, student; Debela O. Guta, 15, student; Melaku T. Feyisa, 16, student; W/o Elfnesh Tekle, 45, occup. unknown; Hassen Dula, 64, occup. unknown; Hussien Hassen Dula, 25, occup. unknown; Dejene Demisse,15, occup. unknown; Name unknown; Name unknown;  Name unknown; Zemedkun Agdew, 18, occup. unknown;  Getachew A. Terefe, 16, occup. unknown; Delelegn K. Alemu, 20, occup. unknown; Yusef M. Oumer,20, occup. unknown.

Mekruria T. Tebedge, 22, occup. unknown; Bademe M. Teshamahu, 20, occup. unknown; Ambaw Getahun,38, occup. unknown; Teshome A. Kidane, 65, health worker; Yosef M. Regassa, uk, occup. unknown; Abiyu Negussie, uk, occup. uk; Tadele S. Behaga,uk, occup. unknown; Efrem T. Shafi,uk, occup. unknown; Abebe H. Hama, uk, occup. unknown; Gebre Molla, uk, occup. unknown; Seydeen Nurudeen, uk, occup. unknown; Eneyew G. Tsegaye, 32, trspt. asst; Abdurahman H. Ferej, 32, wood worker; Ambaw L. Bitul, 60, leather factory worker; Abdulmenan Hussien, 28, private business; Jigsa T. Setegn, 18, student; Asefa A. Negassa, 33, carpenter; Ketema K. Unko, 23, tailor; Kibret E. Elfneh, 48, private guard; Iyob G. Zemedkun, 24, private business; Tesfaye B. Megesha,15, private business; Capt. Debesa S. Tolosa, 58, private business;Tinsae M. Zegeye,14,  tailor;Kidana G. Shukrow,25, laborer;Andualem Shibelew, 16, student; Adissu D. Tesfahun, 19, private business; Kassa Beyene Yror,28, clothes sales; Yitagesu Sisay,22, occup. unknown; Unknown, 22, occup. unknown.

Government security officers killed by friendly fire (security officers killed in crossfire):  Nega Gebre, Jebena Desalegn,  Mulita Irko, Yohannes Solomon, Ashenafi Desalegn, Feyia Gebremenfes.

List of prisoners massacred while trapped in their cells at Kaliti Prison on November 2, 2005:

1. Teyib Shemsu Mohammed, age unknown, male, charged with instigating armed insurrection. 2. Sali Kebede, age unknown, male, no charges indicated. 3. Sefiw Endrias Tafesse Woreda, age unknown, male, charged with rape. 4. Zegeye Tenkolu Belay, age unknown, male, charged with robbery. 5. Biyadgligne Tamene, age unknown, male, charges unknown. 6. Gebre Mesfin Dagne, age unknown, male, charges unknown. 7. Bekele Abraham Taye, age unknown, male, charged with hooliganism. 8. Abesha Guta Mola, age unknown, male, charges unknown. 9. Kurfa Melka Telila, convicted of making threats.

10.Begashaw Terefe Gudeta, age unknown, male, charged with brawling [breach of peace]. 11. Abdulwehab Ahmedin, age unknown, male, charged with robbery. 12. Tesfaye Abiy Mulugeta, age unknown, male, charged with instigating armed insurrection. 13. Adane Bireda, age unknown, male, charged with murder. 14. Yirdaw Kersema, age unknown, male, no charges indicated. 15. Balcha Alemu Regassa, age unknown, male, charged with robbery. 16. Abush Belew Wodajo, age unknown, male, no charges indicated. 17. Waleligne Tamire Belay, age unknown, male, charged with rape. 18. Cherinet Haile Tolla, age unknown, male, convicted of robbery. 19. Temam Shemsu Gole, age unknown, male, no charges indicated.

20. Gebeyehu Bekele Alene, age unknown, male, no charges indicated. 21. Daniel Taye Leku, age unknown, male, no charges indicated. 22. Mohammed Tuji Kene, age unknown, male, no charges indicated. 23. Abdu Nejib Nur, age unknown, male, no charges indicated. 24. Yemataw Serbelo, charged with rape. 25. Fikru Natna’el Sewneh, age unknown, male, charged with making threats. 26. Munir Kelil Adem, age unknown, male, charged with hooliganism. 27. Haimanot Bedlu Teshome, age unknown, male, convicted of infringement. 28. Tesfaye Kibrom Tekne, age unknown, male, charged with robbery. 29. Workneh Teferra Hunde, age unknown, male, no charges indicated.

30. Sisay Mitiku Hunegne, charged with fraud. 31. Muluneh Aynalem Mamo, age unknown, male, no charges indicated. 32. Taddese Rufe Yeneneh, charged with making threats. 33. Anteneh Beyecha Qebeta, age unknown, male, charged with instigating armed insurrection. 34. Zerihun Meresa, age unknown, male, convicted of damage to property. 35. Wogayehu Zerihun Argaw, charged with robbery. 36. Bekelkay Tamiru,  age unknown, male, no charges indicated. 37. Yeraswork Anteneh, age unknown, male, charged with fraud. 38. Bazezew Berhanu, age unknown, male, charged with engaging in homosexual act. 39. Solomon Iyob Guta, age unknown, male, charged with rape.

40. Asayu Mitiku Arage, age unknown, male, charged with making threats. 41. Game Hailu Zeye, age unknown, male, charged with brawling [public disorder] 42. Maru Enawgaw Dinbere, age unknown, male, charged with rape. 43. Ejigu Minale, age unknown, male, charged with attempted murder. 44. Hailu Bosne Habib, age unknown, male, convicted of providing sanctuary. 45. Tilahun Meseret, age unknown, male, no charges indicated. 46. Negusse Belayneh, age unknown, male, charged with robbery. 47. Ashenafi Abebaw, age unknown, male, no charges indicated. 48. Feleke Dinke, age unknown, male, no charges indicated. 49. Jenbere Dinkineh Bilew, age unknown, male, charged with brawling [public disorder].

50. Tolesa Worku Debebe, age unknown, male, charged with robbery. 51. Mekasha Belayneh Tamiru, age unknown, male, charged with hooliganism. 52. Yifru Aderaw, age unknown, male, no charges indicated. 53. Fantahun Dagne, age unknown, male, no charges indicated. 54. Tibebe Wakene Tufa, age unknown, male, charged with instigating armed insurrection. 55. Solomon Gebre Amlak, age unknown, male, charged with hooliganism. 56. Banjaw Chuchu Kassahun, age unknown, male, charged with robbery. 57. Demeke Abeje, age unknown, male, charged with attempted murder. 58. Endale Ewnetu Mengiste, age unknown, male, no charges indicated. 59. Alemayehu Garba, age unknown, male, detained in connection with Addis Ababa University student  demonstration in 2004.  60. Morkota Edosa, age unknown, male, no charges indicated.

For the RecordThere is a certified list of at least 237 police and security officers known to be directly involved in these massacres. They should all be brought to justice immediately!

I remember Yenesew Gebre 

yeOn 11/11/11, Yenesew Gebre, a 29 year-old Ethiopian school teacher and human rights activist set himself ablaze outside a public meeting hall in the town of Tarcha located in Dawro Zone in Southern Ethiopia. He died three days later from his injuries.  Before torching himself, Yenesew told a gathered  crowd outside of a meeting hall, “In a country where there is no justice and no fair administration, where human rights are not respected, I will sacrifice myself so that these young people will be set free.”

I remember…

“I remember the killers, I remember the victims, even as I struggle to invent a thousand and one reasons to hope.  Because I remember, I despair. Because I remember, I have the duty to reject despair. Hope is possible beyond despair.”

Elie Wiesel, Holocaust Survivor and Nobel Peace Laureate

WE SHOULD ALL REMEMBER! WE SHOULD NEVER FORGET!

NEVER AGAIN!  

For a complete list of victims released by the official Inquiry Commission investigating the post-2005 election violence, see:   http://www.abbaymedia.com/pdf/list_of_people_shot.pdf 

For additional source of data on massacre victims, including prisoners, see Testimony of Yared Hailemariam, Ethiopian Human Rights Defender,“CRIME AGAINST HUMANITY IN ETHIOPIA: THE ADDIS ABABA MASSACRES OF JUNE AND NOVEMBER 2005” before the EXTRAORDINARY JOINT COMMITTEE MEETING THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT COMMITTEES ON DEVELOPMENT AND FOREIGN AFFAIRS, AND SUB-COMMITTEE ON HUMAN RIGHTS May 15, 2006.

What Should Ethiopians Expect in a Second Obama Term?

obIt is proper to congratulate President Obama on his re-election to a second term. He put up a masterful campaign to earn the votes of the majority of American voters. Mitt Romney also deserves commendation for a hard fought campaign. In his concession speech Romney was supremely gracious: “At a time like this we can’t risk partisan bickering and political posturing. Our leaders have to reach across the aisle to do the people’s work, and we citizens also have to rise to occasion.”

There has been a bit of finger-wagging, teeth-gnashing, eye-rolling and bellyaching among some Ethiopian Americans in the run up to the U.S. presidential election held last week. Some were angry at President Obama and actively campaigned in support of his opponent. They felt betrayed by the President’s inability or unwillingness to give effect to his lofty rhetoric on human rights in Africa and Ethiopia. Others were disappointed by what they believed to be active support for and aid to brutal African dictators. Many tried to be empathetic of the President’s difficult circumstances. He had to formulate American foreign policy to maximize achievement of American global national interests. Terrorism in the Horn of Africa was a critical issue for the U.S. and Obama had to necessarily subordinate human rights to global counter-terrorism issues.

I was quite disappointed by the President’s failure to implement even a rudimentary human rights agenda in Ethiopia and the rest of Africa. But I also understood that he had some fierce battles to fight domestically trying to shore up the American economy, pushing some basic social policies, fighting two wars and putting out brushfires in a conflict-ridden world. I gave the President credit for a major diplomatic achievement in the South Sudan referendum which led to the creation of Africa’s newest state.  President Obama authorized the deployment of a small contingent of U.S. troops to capture or kill the bloodthirsty thug Joseph Kony and his criminal partners. He launched the kleptocracy project which I thought was a great idea. As I argued in my column “Africorruption, Inc.“, the “business of African governments in the main is corruption. The majority of African ‘leaders’ seize political power to operate sophisticated criminal enterprises to loot their national treasuries and resources.” I felt the kleptocracy project could effectively prevent illicit money transfer from Ethiopia to the U.S. According to Global Financial Integrity, Ethiopia lost US$11.7 billion to illicit financial outflows between 2000 and 2009. I gave the president high marks for working through the U.N. to pass U.N. Resolution 1973 which endorsed the effort to protect Libyan civilians and his use of NATO partners to shoulder much of the military responsibility to rid Gadhafi from Libya after 41 years of brutal dictatorship. More broadly, I give him credit for closing secret  C.I.A. prisons, ending extraordinary renditions and enhanced interrogations (torture), trying to close down the detention camp in Guantánamo Bay and move trials from military tribunals into civilian courts and abide by international laws of human rights. No doubt, he has much more to do in the area of global human rights.

I believe he could have done a lot more in Africa and Ethiopia to promote human rights, but did not. I have written numerous columns over the past couple of years that have been very critical of U.S. policy. In the “The Moral Hazard of U.S. Policy in Africa“, I argued that neither the U.S. nor the West could afford to sacrifice democracy and human rights in Africa to curry favor with incorrigible African dictators whose sole interest is in clinging to power to enrich themselves and their cronies. In my column, “Thugtatorship: The Highest Stage of African Dictatorship”, I argued Africa’s thugtatorships have longstanding and profitable partnerships with the West. Through aid and trade, the West and particularly the U.S. has enabled these thugocracies to flourish in Africa. A few months ago, in my column “Ethiopia in Bond Aid,” I argued that international aid is negatively affecting Africa’s development. “Before much of Africa became ‘independent’ in the 1960s, Africans were held under the yoke of “colonial bondage”. ‘International aid’ addiction has transformed Africa’s colonial bondage into neo-colonial bondaid.” In another recent column “Ethiopia: Food for Famine and Thought!”, I criticized the G8 Food Security Summit held in Washington, D.C. this past June as a reinvention of the old colonialism: “The G-8’s ‘New Alliance’ smacks of the old Scramble for Africa. The G-8 wants to liberate Africa from hunger, famine and starvation by facilitating the handover of millions of hectares of Africa’s best land to global multinationals…”

But despite disappointments, misgivings, apprehensions and concern over the Obama Administration’s failure to actively promote human rights in Ethiopia and Africa, I have supported President Obama. For all his faults, he has been an inspiring leader to me. Like many Americans, I was awed by state Senator Obama’s keynote speech at the Democratic national Convention in 2004 when he unapologetically declared: “There’s not a black America and white America and Latino America and Asian America; there’s the United States of America. There is not a liberal America. There is not a conservative America. There is a United States of America.” These words continue to inspire me to dream of the day when young Ethiopian men and women shall come together from all parts of the country and shout out and sing the words, “There is not an Oromo Ethiopia, Amhara Ethiopia, Tigrai Ethiopia, Gurage Ethiopia, Ogadeni Ethiopia, Anuak Ethiopia… There is only a united Ethiopia where ‘justice rolls down like water and righteousness like a mighty stream.’”

During the advocacy effort to pass H.R. 2003 (“Ethiopia Democracy and Accountability Act of 2007”), we had opportunities to meet with U.S. Senator Obama’s  staffers in his district office and on the Hill on a number of occasions. Our meetings were encouraging and there was little doubt that Senator Obama would support H.R. 2003 if the bill had made it to the Senate floor after it passed the House of Representatives in October 2007.  In February 2008, our advocacy group, the Coalition for H.R. 2003, formally endorsed Barack Obama’s presidential bid. We declared that “it is time for the U.S. to abandon its support of African dictators, and pursue policies that uplift and advance the people of Africa. It is time for an American president who will stand up for human rights in Ethiopia, and demand of those who violate human rights to stand down!”

Over the last four years, our enthusiasm and support for the President flagged and waned significantly as Africa remained on the fringes of U.S. foreign policy agenda. During the recent presidential “foreign policy debate” Africa was barely mentioned. There was only passing reference to Al Qaeda’s presence in Mali, the third poorest country on the planet. (According to the Economist Magazine, Ethiopia is the poorest country on the planet.) But not to make excuses, the President had a lot on his foreign policy plate. The Arab Spring was spreading like wildfire sweeping out longtime dictators. Nuclear proliferation in the Middle East remains a critical issue. The global economic meltdown threatens certain European countries with total economic collapse.

Hope Springs Eternal in Ethiopia and the Rest of Africa 

I am hopeful that human rights in Africa will occupy a prominent role in the foreign policy agenda of President   Obama’s second term. An indication of such a trend may be evident in the announcement two days after President Obama’s reelection that he will be visiting Myanmar (Burma) in a couple of weeks. After five decades of ruthless military dictatorship, Myanmar is gradually transforming itself into a democracy. President Thein Sein has released political prisoners, lifted media bans and implemented economic and political reforms. Amazingly, pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi is the acknowledged opposition leader in parliament after two decades of house arrest. Last week, a State Department spokesperson underscored the need for human rights improvement in Ethiopia according to a Voice of America report. There are favorable signs the Obama Administration will pursue a more aggressive human rights agenda in Africa.

President Obama Would Like to Leave a Legacy of Democracy and Freedom in Africa

Historically, second-term presidents become increasingly focused on foreign policy. They also become acutely aware of the legacy they would like to leave after they complete their second term. I believe President Obama would like to leave a memorable and monumental legacy of human rights in Africa. I cannot believe that he is so indifferent to Africa that he would leave it in worse condition than he found it. When he became president, much of Africa was dominated by dictators  who shot their way to power or rigged elections to get into power. In much of Africa today, the absence of the rule of law is shocking to the conscience. Massive human rights violations are commonplace. In Ethiopia, journalists, dissidents, opposition leaders, peaceful demonstrators, civil society and human rights advocates are jailed, harassed and persecuted every day.

Needless to say, for President Obama Africa is the land of his father even though he was born and raised in America. I believe President Obama, like most immigrant Ethiopian Americans, would like to help the continent not only escape poverty but also achieve better governance and greater respect for the rule of law. He would like to see Africa having free and fair elections and improved human rights conditions. In his book Dreams From My Father, he wrote, “… It was into my father’s image, the black man, son of Africa, that I’d packed all the attributes I sought in myself, the attributes of Martin and Malcolm, DuBois and Mandela. And if later I saw that the black men I knew – Frank or Ray or Will or Rafiq – fell short of such lofty standards; if I had learned to respect these men for the struggles they went through, recognizing them as my own – my father’s voice had nevertheless remained untainted, inspiring, rebuking, granting or withholding approval.  You do not work hard enough, Barry. You must help in your people’s struggle. Wake up, black man!” A man whose life’s inspiration comes from Martin Luther King, Malcolm X, W.E. B. DuBois and Nelson Mandela cannot ignore or remain indifferent to the suffering of African peoples. I think he will help Africans in their struggle for dignity in his second term.

U.S. Human Rights Policy in the Post Arab Spring Period

In the post-Arab Spring world, the U.S. has come to realize that its formula of subordinating its human rights policy to security and economic interests in dealing with dictators needs reexamination, recalibration and reformulation. By relying on dictators to maintain domestic and regional stability, the U.S. has historically ignored and remained indifferent to the needs, aspirations and suffering of the Arab masses. When the Arab masses exploded in anger, the U.S. was perplexed and did not know what to do.

The U.S. has been timid in raising human rights issues with Africa’s dictators fearing lack of cooperation in the war on terror and other strategic objectives. The U.S. effort has been limited to issuing empty verbal exhortations and practicing “quite diplomacy” which has produced very little to advance an American human rights agenda. I believe the President understands that America’s long term global interests cannot be advanced or achieved merely through moral exhortations and condemnations. We know that the President’s style is to exhaust diplomacy before taking more drastic measures. As he explained, “The promotion of human rights cannot be about exhortation alone. At times, it must be coupled with painstaking diplomacy. I know that engagement with repressive regimes lacks the satisfying purity of indignation. But I also know that sanctions without outreach–and condemnation without discussion–can carry forward a crippling status quo. No repressive regime can move down a new path unless it has the choice of an open door.” For the past four years, few African dictators have walked through the door that leads to democracy and human rights. Many of them have kicked it shut. I am hopeful that in the second term, the President will go beyond “exhortation” to concrete action in dealing with African dictators since he holds their aid purse strings.

President Obama is Not Just a President But Also a Constitutional Lawyer and…  

I believe President Obama’s experiences before he became a national leader continue to have great influence on his thinking and actions. As a constitutional and civil rights lawyer, I believe he has an innate sense of moral distaste and repugnance for injustice and arbitrariness. President Obama cut his teeth as a lawyer representing individuals in civil and voting rights litigation and wrongful terminations in employment though he could have joined any one of the most prestigious law firms in America. He spent his early years doing grassroots organizing and advocacy working with churches and community groups to help the poor and disadvantaged. To be sure, he has spent more time doing community work than serving on the national political stage. As a constitutional and civil rights lawyer, law professor and advocate for the poor, I believe President Obama understands the immense importance of the rule of law, protection of civil liberties and human rights and the need to restrain those who abuse their powers and sneer at the rule of law.  I think the community activist side of him will be more visible in his second term.

Ask Not What Obama Can Do for Ethiopia, But…

Some of us make the mistake of asking what President Obama can do for us. The right question is what we can do for Ethiopia by organizing, mobilizing and lobbying the Obama Administration to establish and pursue a  firm human rights agenda. In his victory speech on election night President Obama said, “The role of citizen in our democracy does not end with your vote. America’s never been about what can be done for us. It’s about what can be done by us together through the hard and frustrating, but necessary work of self-government.” Governor Romney in his concession speech said, “At a time like this we can’t risk partisan bickering and political posturing. Our leaders have to reach across the aisle to do the people’s work, and we citizens also have to rise to occasion.” These are the principles Ethiopian Americans, and others in the Diaspora and at home, should embrace and practice. It should be time for a fresh start. We should learn from past mistakes and begin to organize and reach out in earnest to the Obama Administration. Many groups have had success with the Administration in advancing their causes including Arab Americans, Iranian Americans, Armenian Americans, Macedonian Americans, Serbian Americans and many others. As human rights activists and advocates, we should demand engagement by senior U.S. officials and diplomats on human rights issues.

The U.S. knows how to apply pressure on dictators who have been “friends”. In the 1980s, the U.S. played a central role in the transition of the Philippines, Chile, Taiwan, and South Korea from dictatorship to democracy. The United States also kept human rights agenda front and center when it conducted negotiations with the Soviet Union and other Soviet-bloc countries. The question is not whether the U.S. can advance a vigorous human rights agenda in Ethiopia or Africa, but if it has the political will to do so. I am hopeful that will will manifest itself in President Obama’s second term.

Amharic translations of recent commentaries by the author may be found at:

http://www.ecadforum.com/Amharic/archives/category/al-mariam-amharic

http://ethioforum.org/?cat=24

Previous commentaries by the author are available at:

http://open.salon.com/blog/almariam/

www.huffingtonpost.com/alemayehu-g-mariam/

Ethiopian Americans Gotta Vote in 2012!

 It’s Not Just About an Election  

v3In September, I expressed my support for President Barack Obama’s re-election. I told my readers that I enthusiastically supported candidate Obama in 2008 but was disappointed by his Administration’s policy in Ethiopia and Africa following his election:

Did President Obama deliver on the promises he made for Africa to promote good governance, democracy and human rights? Did he deliver on human rights in Ethiopia? No. Are Ethiopian Americans disappointed over the unfulfilled promises President Obama made in Accra, Ghana in 2009 and his Administration’s support for a dictatorship in Ethiopia? Yes. We remember when President Obama talked about the need to develop robust democratic institutions, uphold the rule of law  and the necessity of maintaining open political space and protecting human rights in Africa. We all remember what he said:  “Africa does not need strong men but strong institutions.”  “Development depends on good governance.” “No nation will create wealth if its leaders exploit the economy.” Was he just saying these words or did he truly believe them?

I also argued that in all fairness there is plenty of blame to go around.  I cautioned  those of us who are quick to point an accusatory index finger at President Obama for what he has not done in Ethiopia and Africa to beware that three fingers are pointing directly at them.

Truth be told,  what the President has done or not done to promote good governance, democracy and human rights in Ethiopia is no different than what we, the vast majority of Ethiopian Americans, have done or not done  to promote the same values in Ethiopia. That is the painful truth we must face. The President’s actions or lack of actions mirror our own. Just like the President, we profess our belief in democracy, good governance and human rights in Ethiopia and elsewhere in Africa. But we have also failed to put our values in action. President Obama was constrained in his actions by factors of U.S. national security and national interest. We were constrained by factors of personal interest and personal security…

But there are other hard questions we should ask ourselves: What did we do to bring pressure on the Obama Administration to promote human rights, good governance and democracy in Africa over the past 4 years? Did we organize to have our voices heard by the Administration? Did we exercise our constitutional rights to hold the Administration accountable?

But I also gave President Obama high marks for many accomplishments over the past four years. Under his watch, over 5  million private sector jobs were created. The U.S. auto industry came roaring back even though some had urged, “Let Detroit go bankrupt!”. President Obama put his presidency on the line by spending all of his political capital in enacting the Affordable Health Care Act which offered health insurance to some 40 million Americans who had none. He established a Consumer Financial and Protection Bureau to oversee crooked financial institutions who had been ripping off consumers for years. He signed a law that secured the rights of women to equal pay for equal work. President Obama ended the war in Iraq. He has promised to end the war in Afghanistan in 2014.  He has pursued Al Qaeda relentlessly and ended the criminal career of the most infamous terrorist in a risky military operation, which had it failed, could have doomed his presidency. Last week,  Republican Governor Chris Christie of New Jersey described President Obama’s response to   “Hurricane Sandy’s” devastation of the east coast of the United States as “outstanding” and his Administration’s  handling of the relief operation as “excellent”.

President Obama has proven himself to be a resolute commander in chief and a president open, ready, willing and able to engage in bipartisanship, collaboration and cooperation to get the nation’s business done. But the road he has travelled over the past 4 years has been a hard one. He has faced stiff opposition at every turn. He has been  obstructed, blocked, thwarted, vilified and demonized by those who loath him personally than disagree with his policies.  The top leader of the Republicans in the U.S. Senate, Mitch McConnell, vowed, “The single most important thing we want to achieve is for President Obama to be a one-term president. That’s my single most important political goal, along with every active Republican in the country.” President Obama knows his work is not finished and he has a lot more to do in improving the economy. He needs another term to complete his work. He needs the support and vote of every Ethiopian American.

It is Really About the Right to Vote in America

I write this column not so much to reiterate my support for President Obama but to underscore the enormous importance of the right to vote in America. Perhaps no one knew the importance of the right to vote than the hundreds of our brothers and sisters who were  mowed down in cold blood by  by troops loyal to the ruling regime in Ethiopia in 2005, and the tens of thousands who were imprisoned for peacefully protesting their stolen votes. While I would urge Ethiopian Americans to vote for President Obama, I believe it is far more important for them to exercise their right to vote for the candidate and issues of their choice.

Those who are not students of American politics and constitutional law may not be aware of the history of struggle and the untold sacrifices and and the high price paid in lost lives  to secure, protect and defend this precious of all rights. When the American republic was forged in 1787, only white male property owners had the right to vote. When the first census was taken in 1790, there were 3,893,635 persons in the thirteen colonies and the four other districts and territories which  later  became states. There were 807,094 free white males, of which 10-16 percent met the property requirement to have the right to vote! The  1,541,263 free white females  did not have the right to vote. The 694,280 “persons”          (slaves)  did not have the right to vote. The 791,850 free white males did not have  the right to vote.

The property requirement for the right to vote was gradually dropped; and by 1850 the vast majority of white males could vote without significant obstacles.  But some states sought to exclude and suppress the voting rights of disfavored groups.  Between 1855-57, Connecticut and Massachusetts adopted a “literacy test” (a test of one’s ability to read and write) to discriminate against Irish-Catholic immigrants. After the  American Civil War  ended in 1865 and slavery was abolished  by the Thirteenth Amendment to the U.S. Constitution and Congressional enactment of various civil rights laws, the former slaves formally gained the right to vote with the ratification of the Fifteenth Amendment in 1870. “The right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any State on account of race, color, or previous condition of servitude.”

But the states were not prepared to allow the former slaves to become their political equals by exercising  their ultimate citizenship right. Beginning with Florida in 1889, ten  states in southern United States adopted poll taxes (in order to vote, a citizen has to pay a poll tax) to keep African Americans from voting. Large numbers of impoverished  African Americans  could not afford to pay the poll taxes and were disenfran- chised by this requirement. For decades, many southern states devised various means to keep African Americans from voting.  Some used  “white primaries” (political parties excluding African Americans from party membership and closing the primaries to everyone except party members). Others complicated the voter registration process by requiring frequent re-registration, long terms of residence in a district before voting, registration at inconvenient times such the  planting season, providing inaccurate and misleading information about voting dates, etc. Still others used “gerrymandering” (creating electoral districts by manipulating geographic boundaries to dilute the electoral strength of minority groups and create protected districts) to deny African Americans representatives of their own choosing. Electoral fraud was rampant in the states which sought to restrict African American electoral participation. Ballot box stuffing, throwing out votes for disfavored candidates, deliberately miscounting votes, changing votes from one candidate to another were common. Violence, threats and intimidation of African Americans were also commonly used to keep African Americans from voting despite federal laws against such criminal acts.

Women were not considered worthy of voting rights until 1920 when the Nineteenth Amendment was ratified guaranteeing women’s suffrage. “The right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any State on account of sex.” Native Americans did not acquire full citizenship rights including the right to vote in federal elections until Congress passed the Indian Citizenship Act in 1924.

Though many of the laws and practices aimed at preventing African Americans from voting were invalidated by the U.S. Supreme Court in the 1950s and 1960s, it was the passage of the Voting Rights Act of 1965 (and its expansion in 1970, 1975, and 1982) that enabled African Americans to finally and effectively exercise their right to vote. This law bans racial discrimination in voting and outlaws barriers to voting such as literacy tests. Most importantly, it requires  certain state and local governments to “preclear” proposed changes in voting or election procedures with either the U.S. Department of Justice or the U.S. District Court for the District of Columbia. It also requires that certain state and local jurisdictions provide assistance in languages other than English to voters who are not literate or fluent in English, in addition to granting authority to the  U.S. Attorney General  to send federal examiners and observers to monitor elections.

Deja Vu 2012: Voter Suppression or Protection of Electoral Integrity?

In the last few years, we have seen a spate of new state laws proposed and enacted to presumably strengthen the integrity of the electoral system. Some of these laws require “photo IDs” and proof of citizenship to register or vote. Other state laws aim to restrict voter registration drives, abolish election day registration, reduce the number of early voting periods and limit absentee voting opportunities. Still other states have sought to  make it more difficult for people who move to stay registered and vote and prevent  citizens with past criminal convictions from voting. Anonymous private groups have put up billboards and sent out flyers to intimidate, confuse and mislead potential voters, particularly those in the minority communities.

These laws appear to be benign and reasonable on their faces. There is little that is  objectionable about requiring some form of official photo identification at the polls. It is customary in many countries to show identification for voters to cast a ballot. But despite lofty claims of protecting the integrity and prevention of fraud, the real reason behind these laws  appears to be voter suppression.  In a recent court case in Pennsylvania, the State of Pennsylvania admitted in a court stipulation that in passing its voter ID law, the state had no evidence of voter fraud. None! Indiana passed a voter ID law in 2005 even though there was no evidence of a documented or prosecuted case  of voter impersonation fraud. Five voter impersonation complaints were filed in Texas in 2008 and 2010 out of some 13 million ballots cast.  All of these laws are sponsored and were enacted by Republican state legislators and governors.  In five states, Democratic governors vetoed ID laws passed by Republican legislatures. Such laws raise eyebrows in light of the ferocious declaration of the Republican minority leader of the U.S. Senate Mitch McConnell, “The single most important thing we want to achieve is for President Obama to be a one-term president. That’s my single most important political goal, along with every active Republican in the country.

Truth be told, these photo ID laws seem to be reminiscent of the old practices of voter suppression using literacy tests, poll taxes and the like. With new waves of immigration and diversity in the  the electoral population, some may find the demographic trends alarming and threatening to their political power and dominance. Millions are expected to be disproportionately affected by these laws including African Americans, Hispanic and other ethnic voters, the young and elderly and mostly democratic voters. It is not clear how these laws will affect the 2012 presidential elections which are said to be  too close to call. But it is clear that there is a looming, imminetn and ominous threat to the right to vote which was gained through two centuries of blood, sweat and tears of  African Americans, women and others.

EVERY VOTE REALLY COUNTS!

In the 2000 Presidential Election, Al Gore won the popular vote by 50,999,897 to Bush’s 50,456,002 (or by 543,895 [0.5%]). Bush won Florida 2,912,790 to Gore’s 2,912,253 (by 537 votes!) and got that state’s 25 electoral votes winning the Electoral College by 271-266. It is not difficult to imagine that in a close election such as the current presidential election, every single, solitary vote really counts.

In Northern Virginia, Florida, Ohio and Colorado, there are tens of thousands of Ethiopian Americans eligible to vote. Though I would be very pleased and appreciative  if they voted for President Obama, I would be equally happy if they exercised their right to vote for whomever they choose. If the idea of one party winning 99.6 percent of the votes in Ethiopia offends any Ethiopian American, s/he should make sure  his/her one vote counts in America!

v3

Amharic translations of recent commentaries by the author may be found at: http://www.ecadforum.com/Amharic/archives/category/al-mariam-amharic and http://ethioforum.org/?cat=24

Previous commentaries by the author are available at: http://open.salon.com/blog/almariam/  and www.huffingtonpost.com/alemayehu-g-mariam/