Dark Ages in Ethiopian History
The 18th century English historian, Edward Gibbon Wrote: “Encompassed on all sides by the enemies of their religion, the Aethiopians slept near a thousand years, forgetful of the world by whom they were forgotten” (Gibbon, Decline and Fall, Chapter XLVII).
In this telling statement Gibbon was only expressing the prevalent view of Ethiopia in Europe in his days. He was describing in rather colorful terms what Europe regarded as Ethiopia’s “Dark Ages,” the period from the 7th century to the 16th century AD – i.e., the period which saw contact between Europe and Ethiopia dwindle to a vanishing point.
But the Ethiopian point of view is somewhat different. As the flurry of activities during the Zagwe Dynasty under Lalibela, and the exciting times of Amde Tseyon, Dawit I, Yishak and Zara Yakob showed clearly, Ethiopia was anything but asleep during those centuries. It only shows Gibbon was not informed about it. It is true, however, that Ethiopia was relatively isolated from Europe during this period. But that fact in and of itself did not make it a “dark age” for Ethiopia. Rather, what turned some of those 1000 years into dark ages for Ethiopians was not the isolation per se, but the intermittent periods of trials and tribulations the nation had to go through on account of cataclysmic internal upheavals. The Yodit era (858-898 AD), the Ahmed Gragn uprisings (1527-1542), followed by the Zemene Mesafint, “Age of Princes” (1781-1855) constitute the real “dark ages” for Ethiopians.
There are also many Ethiopians who strongly believe that the country at the present time is going through another dark age, starting from 1974. So, we are talking not of just one dark age, but of at least three or even four dark ages in Ethiopian history!
It then becomes a matter of definition as to what constitutes a “dark age.”
Here, we have to go by the European model where the term was first used. With regard to Europe the term “Dark Ages” covered the whole period between the end of classical civilization and the revival of learning in the 15th century. The use of the term implied the decline of culture, and of the work of scholars, writers and artists, when life was insecure and its environment discouraging to thought. It is a period in which Europe suffered an economic and demographic decline and experienced considerable repression, persecution and barbarism. It was also “dark” because so little documentation has survived to tell us about those obscure times.
Viewed from this angle, the Yodit, Ahmed Gragn and the Zemene Mesafint eras in Ethiopia, though more or less shorter in duration, all three definitely qualify as prime candidates for the description of “dark ages.”
In her zeal to restore Judaism by eradicating Christianity, Yodit reduced Axum to rubble, leaving only some huge monoliths which she was unable to demolish. In the 9th century, for 40 long years she burned down churches, books, works of art and anything of value to Christians, killing them and laying waste the land. Similarly in the 1530s, for full 15 years Ahmed Gragn led a great revolt in the name of Islam which shook Ethiopia to its very foundations.
To quote Jean Doresse from his book, “Ethiopia”:
Ahmed Gragn began a holy war which was to last until 1542, completely laying waste large areas of the highland plateau in one campaign after another. The onslaught began in 1528 with a decisive victory at Shambera-Kure which enabled [him] to occupy Dawaro, Shoa, Amhara and Lasta, subduing Bale, Hadya and Sidamo on the way, and wiping out the Christian population of Kambata. After this he destroyed one by one the treasures of Ethiopia accumulated over the centuries by her great rulers, monuments and priceless objects whose magnificence was never to be known to Europe except from accounts written in haste and wonder by Moslem chroniclers who witnessed their destruction. If we turn up one of these accounts we find, for instance, that after pillaging Debra-Libanos and halting for a while at Lalibela, the invaders turned to go south again, discovering all too soon the mountainous region of Biet-Amhara – now Wollo – where numerous sanctuaries had been built by the Ethiopians, housing priceless treasures belonging to Church and State. The Moslem chronicle states that from afar they could see the gleaming gold that covered the tall church of the Holy Trinity, Makana-Selassie. There is no adequate description left to us of the architecture of this church, but it appears to have been a hundred cubits long, and broad by as much again, its summit being more than 130 feet from the ground. The whole of the interior, up to the ceiling, shone with gold and silver plaques inlaid with pearls and decorated with figures of various kinds. Not a moment was lost; the whole place was plundered and then burnt to the ground. [Ahmed Gragn], who was resting quietly in one of the three palaces close to the sanctuary, gazed upon the ruin with evident admiration: ‘Is there anywhere’, he asked his retinue, ‘in the Byzantine Empire, in India, or in any other land, a building such as this, containing such figures and works of art?’ Further on, the army reached the church of Atronsa-Maryam, ‘Throne of Mary’, which was empty. The four monks on guard were massacred. But everything had been hidden in a house nearby; it was quickly located and an entry forced, and soon the prayer-books, brocades, velvets and satins were being brought out, followed by more precious items such as censers and vases of gold. The plunderers seem to have been somewhat taken aback by a ‘book of gold’ which had figures of men, birds, and wild beasts. They went on to loot Ganata-Maryam, ‘Paradise of Mary’, where the royal insignia and treasure had been concealed, including contemporary crowns and the diadems of ancient kings, ceremonial mantles, girdles and daggers. They also found a number of tabots, a type of altar peculiar to the Ethiopian Church, which were made of gold and were so heavy that five men together were unable to carry them. In short, they plundered the entire area from Lake Haik to Aksum and across to Lake Tana, killing as they went or converting by force, never stopping until the day their leader was slain and they fled; but by then there was nothing left to destroy.
Another prime candidate for the title of “Dark Ages” is the period known as the Zemene Mesafint, or “Age of Princes,” which lasted 74 years from 1781 to 1855.
The powers of the monarchs had been usurped by the feudal lords and centralized government had been replaced by the autonomy of the various provinces whose rulers warred among themselves. Ethiopia was now beginning to break up into a series of states which were largely independent: Begameder, Gojjam, Tigre, Lasta, Harar,
Jimma, Kaffa, Walamo, etc.
Ethiopia had fallen on evil days. Law and order had broken down, and public and private morality was at the lowest ebb. Corruption in high places, even amongst the clergy, had brought about general decadence. In the words of the chronicler: ‘The clergy were reduced to a state of ignorance. The priests were wholly taken up with earthly pursuits. Debauchery, witchcraft, and drunken orgies were their chief preoccupation…’
Out of the midst of war and everlasting strife which ravaged the greater part of the country there slowly emerged the figure of a man destined to restore ETHIOPIAN unity, and bring an end, once and for all, the utter confusion of the “Zemene Mesafint.” That man was Tewodros II, whose brilliant conquests, and bright vision of a strong reunified Ethiopia were like a whiff of fresh air, which brought new life and vigor to the nation in 1855, and ushered a new age of unity and hopes of prosperity. The infectious exceptional personal bravery, courage and heroism of Tewodros worked miracles on his followers in battle after battle, and brought all the powerful feudal war lords to their knees. He paved the way for the ingathering of the hitherto arbitrarily, unjustly and artificially divided and scattered regions of Ethiopia. The process he began was to be carried further successfully and brilliantly by Emperors Yohannes IV and Menelik II who came after him.
Now, it is true there is a new breed of men and women who have chosen to bang their heads against the wall by denying that Ethiopia ever existed. In their zeal to deny anything and everything Ethiopian, they claim that Ethiopia began not with Menelik I but with Menelik II!
They are simply casting aside history, and all the evidence to the contrary. These are what we call modern day nay-sayers and detractors of Ethiopia, who are suffering from a chronic denial syndrome, for which there is no cure. But, be that as it may.
The name “ETHIOPIA” appears at least 50 times in the Bible, one of the oldest sacred books of humanity. Even though those suffering from a denial syndrome try in vain to relocate the Ethiopia of the Bible somewhere else for their own peculiar reasons, it is an undeniable fact that the “Ethiopia” of the Bible fully encompassed present day Ethiopia both geographically and politically. It only shows the country had been shrinking in size, until it has been reduced to its very core which we see on the maps today, through the vicissitudes of time.
In fact, there was no time when Ethiopia was not an active player in history to a lesser or greater degree. When the Psalmist said, “Ethiopia stretches out her hands to God,” he knew exactly what he was talking about 3000 years ago.
Thus, with more than 3000 years of recorded history behind her, Ethiopia is not only one of the oldest nations of the world, but one which has also made her own distinct contribution to human civilization and culture. But, as Gibbon concluded in his “Rise and Fall,” Civilizations wax and wane. They have their ups and downs. Even the sun and the moon have their periodic eclipses. It is not surprising, therefore, that Ethiopia had, not just one, but many dark ages in her long and checkered history.
Is Ethiopia Going Through Another Dark Age Right Now?
But the question remains, what about now? What will historians write about the present era, say a hundred years from now? Here, we have to be careful since we are only speculating, and making an educated guess, and go only by the record, and the tangible evidence available to us. Without going into much detail, in examining the record there are certain salient features about this era which stand out like sore thumbs, and cannot escape the notice of future historians.
Does the period which opened in 1974 with such high hopes and expectations, with promises of an era of great reform and peaceful change, but turned out instead to be a long nightmare, deserve to be called a “dark age”?
If we go by the terms and conditions of the European model and the definition mentioned above, everything certainly points towards that inescapable conclusion. Ever since 1974, in Ethiopia there is general insecurity to life and limb, and the hold of law and order has been tenuous, to say the least. There is widespread destruction of assets, and looting of national treasure in all shapes and forms, including national legacies and heritage. Human life has lost its worth and value, not to mention its meaning. Both man-made and natural disaster have combined to make life in Ethiopia as Thomas Hobbes says, “nasty, brutish and short.” There is general dislocation, civil war, and a serious threat of a national breakup.
The human spirit is fettered, and the sorry state of affairs in the decline of the creative arts, literature and religion is more than noticeable.
In 1974, as had been pointed out by many journalists and political commentators at the time, there has never been a more ill-equipped or ill-prepared “bunch of soldiers” to have taken over the reins of power in Ethiopia. Mediocre men like Mengistu Hailemariam, totally bereft of vision. From the outset, their repressive rule was characterized by the denial of human rights, governmental lawlessness and the shedding of innocent blood. They were the direct cause of the largest exodus of Ethiopians to foreign lands in history, similar to the Jewish diaspora.
By sinking deeper and deeper into the abyss of unbridled despotism, after 17 years in power, these men, instead of growing in stature on the job, were generally looked down upon with contempt as vicious little dwarfs. Now that their fraudulent Marxist bluff was called, they were left with nothing to hide their nakedness. Driven by the
basic animal instinct of fear and survival, they had put self before everything else, and were totally paralyzed and blinded by the excesses of their own cynicism, cowardice and cruelty to do anything positive or constructive for the country. For all these years in power, they had little or nothing to show by way of achievement. The moral
decay and material ruin they had brought about was incalculable. And in the process, they had dragged in the mud the historically hard-earned, age-old reputation and prestige of the nation. They had even attempted to insult and inflict grievous wound on national pride by desecrating the memory of celebrated national heroes, while at the same time glorifying foreigners and erecting monuments to alien personalities whose work, fame or notoriety bore no relevance whatsoever to Ethiopian life or history.
Their misguided myopic policies brought only suffering and general stagnation. Rejected by the people, whose mandate or confidence they never had in the first place, and abandoned by friends both at home and abroad, at last, in desperation, they were left with no choice but to publicly admit their monumental mistakes. But by that time, not only progress was at a standstill, but that the country’s economy and development had been put backwards at least 50 years.
Yet, they lacked the courage to resign, and in a smooth and peaceful transition, hand over power to its rightful owners, i.e., the sovereign Ethiopian people. Instead, true to form, they literally remained stuck to their guns. In effect, this was a clear signal from them, which said: “What we had taken by the gun, we would only relinquish by the gun!” And, sure enough, the moment of reckoning did not take long after that. Like their contemporaries, Samuel Doe of Liberia, and Siad Barre of Somalia, they chose to go down fighting, and in the process take the whole country down with them, rather than give up power voluntarily.
This can be a typical scenario which a future historian will paint about the Mengistu era. And he will be right because the facts support it.
As Edmund Burke says, “without vision the nation perishes.” This is exactly what is happening to Ethiopia right now. The last 17 hellish years of the Mengistu era, therefore, definitely qualify for that dubious distinction of a “dark age.May be this time it will be dubbed “Zemene Derg”, Dark Age, or simply “Derg Age.”
But, history takes a much longer view of things. A people passing through a certain period in history, be it a time of hardship or prosperity, “dark age” or “golden age”, are hardly the best judges to objectively evaluate, and come to a satisfactory conclusion about that period themselves. Their own involvement and the lack of the perspective of time make that impossible. The discipline of history is quite strict about this rule. So, about the dire predicament in which Ethiopia finds herself today, and whether to call the present trying period a “dark age” or not, one can only say: The Jury is still out. A verdict is being awaited.
Dr. Getachew Mekasha is a contributing editor of ER. Los Angeles.
For the past decade Western political analysts have been predicting Mengistu’s downfall. Many Ethiopians also anticipated Mengistu’s regime to come to a quick and violent end. Now, all signs point to a slow and agonizing death for Mengistu’s regime.
The Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), a coalition of six groups, including the Ethiopian People’s Democratic Movement (EPDM), and dominated by the Tigrean People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), is at the forefront of the struggle against the government of Mengistu. While not a match for the government in size or weapons, the low morale of the government troops, desertions and failure in logistics accounts for much of the recent successes of the anti-Mengistu forces.
Mengistu’s periodic purges may have exacerbated the poor performance of government troops. Over the past two years he has ordered the execution of 12 top generals and removed more than 200 officers whom he suspected of disloyalty. Most of these officers were educated and veteran commanders. Inexperienced soldiers with unflinching loyalty to Mengistu replaced the veteran commanders. The military situation has progressively deteriorated ever since. What has been most surprising in the unfolding Ethiopian crises is the swift victory of the opposition forces. Gojjam, Gondar, and Wallega were taken with minimum resistance from the government troops. In fact, large-scale defection of government troops may have accelerated the opposition’s military success. The situation in Eritrea appears to be critical. Government troops in Asmara are surrounded by elements of the Eritrean People’s Liberation Front (EPLF). Assab is reportedly under imminent attack by the EPLF.
If Assab should fall defeat for the government in Eritrea may be certain. The EPLF has claimed over the past year that Massawa is under its control. A few weeks ago it announced the takeover of the small port city of Tio located between Massawa and Assab. According to the March 22, 1991 issue of the African Confidential:
“The government is hurriedly deploying new divisions that North Korea has been training… In a dangerous gamble, the government is even pulling troops out of Eritrea. It apparently believes that, with at least eight EPLF brigades operating with the EPDRF, this is the risk worth taking.”
The Siege of Addis Ababa
Spokesmen for the opposition forces have declared that it is not their intention to turn Addis Ababa into a battlefield. They have expressed the desire to avoid wide-spread destruction and unnecessary suffering to the city’s civilian population. “Otherwise we could have taken the city a long time ago. Nothing actually stood between us and the city to prevent us, if that was our intention,” one spokesman was quoted as saying. Recognizing the gravity of the military situation in the country, various European countries have reduced their diplomatic personnel in the country. Even the Soviet Union has removed its personnel in anticipation of an imminent collapse of the government.
The well known journalist Patrick Gilkes, who recently returned from Addis Ababa, told the BBC that tension in the city is mounting as opposition forces are reported to be regrouping within 90 miles of the capital. Fear of the breakdown of law and order, and the possible outbreak of civil unrest has already gripped the city. The situation in the country appears to be highly unpredictable.
Ethiopians who recently came to the U.S. have reported that though Addis residents remain outwardly calm, they are nervously stocking up on essential supplies in case the City is cut off from the rest of the country. While many city residents appear resigned to the inevitable downfall of the regime, few are optimistic that things will improve in the short-term. Siege mentality and desperation is also prevalent among government officials. Many have reportedly sent their family out of the country.
Major concern among city residents is that Mengistu is preparing to make a last ditch stand against the opposition forces in Addis Ababa exposing the city to substantial destruction. He may rely on his elite bodyguards of around 12,000 men which he has been grooming for just such an emergency. Opposition leaders discount the capabilities of Mengistu’s bodyguards.
The Question of Ethiopian Unity
The issue of the unity of Ethiopia is a critical one to many Ethiopians. Over the past two months Ethiopians living in Washington, Los Angeles, London and Rome have held demonstrations to express their anxiety over the possible separation of Eritrea from Ethiopia and general dismemberment of the country. Mengistu is playing on this anxiety often projecting himself as the defender of Ethiopian national unity.
Recently, a group of Addis Ababa University professors proposed a peace initiative to Mengistu as a means of avoiding civil strife, further bloodshed and preservation of the country’s unity. In effect, they politely asked for his resignation. Mengistu responded by declar ing that he was elected by the people and can only be removed by them. The most worrisome aspect of this crisis concerns the estimated 5 million people presently facing starvation. In fact, most relief operations in the famine-threatened areas have been suspended because of the war.
Mengistu on the Horns of a Dilemma
Mengistu is confronted with a dilemma. He knows he cannot repel the opposition forces with just 12,000 soldiers, however well armed. Yet, he cannot call for reinforcement from the other fronts. His past miscalculation have come back to haunt him. He has antagonized many sectors of the armed forces through his periodic purges. Few are likely to return to defend him. Any troop concentration in Addis Ababa is also a serious threat to Mengistu and has much to fear by way of coup d’etat from relocated troops. Even if some regional troops want to come to his rescue, the severe gas shortage, logistical difficulty and attack by opposition forces along the way will render such a gesture futile.
“Open City” Status for Addis Ababa and Other Big Cities
Some observers have suggested that the cities of Addis Ababa, Asmara and other urban areas be designated “Open Cities” to avoid civilian deaths and destruction of historical sites and other structures. The “Open City” concept would allow free access to the city by all sides. For instance, Addis Ababa would become a “peace zone” with all armies stationed a certain distance away from the city. Once this is achieved, opposing sides could negotiate within the city limits and achieve political solutions. International supervision may be needed to implement the “Open City” concept along with the consensus of all the parties concerned. Recently, such an arrangement was made in Liberia with the assistance of several African countries.
Fight to the End
Mengistu is unlikely to accept this idea of an “Open City.” According to Cubans and former East Germans who served in Ethiopia, Mengistu has built a ring of military fortifications around the Entoto hills from Yekka to Gullele. In what looks like a copy from Saddam Hussein of Iraq, Mengistu he has reportedly built hardened underground bunkers all over the city, including the Old Gibbi, the Jubillee Palace, the University area and the Ministry of Information. These bunkers are designed to serve as command and control centers, complete with spare electric generators and other communication equipment.
The Maqdala Complex
In a public speech last May, Mengistu reportedly compared himself with Emperor Tewodros who committed suicide in the face of an attack by British forces in 1868. Mengistu appears to be prepared to meet the same fate in Addis Ababa. People who have known Mengistu well tell a different story. During the Palace shootout of 1977, when Teferi Benti and others were killed, Mengistu was said to have crawled under chairs and tables to save his life. They believe he would rather hide than fight. Others believe he is the ultimate survivor who will not blink before eliminating his opponents.
Fear and Paranoia
In a well publicized speech a year ago Mengistu revealed that he had survived no less than nine attempts on his life. As a security measure, Mengistu reportedly sleeps at different locations every night. His food and drink is tested on others in his presence to avoid poisoning. He is practically unapproachable and isolated. Even his closest associates are regularly searched for concealed weapons before they are ushered into his presence. Even pens and pencils are removed from their clothes. He trusts absolutely no one. He is reportedly obsessed with the fear of assassination. Some observers have theorized that his persecution of dissidents is driven by the morbid preoccupation with the fear of being assassinated. In a recent television interview with Charlene Hunter-Gault of the Public Broadcasting Corporation (PBS) he denied killing “even a mosquito.”
What is the Policy of the Opposition?
Now, what of the opposition? What is their overall program for Ethiopia? How are they different from the Mengistu government? Or is it a case of dropping from the frying pan into the fire? These are gnawing questions in the minds of Ethiopians. Little is indeed known about the aims and objectives of those now fighting to topple Mengistu. While many people acknowledge the EPRDF’s sacrifices and efforts in bringing Mengistu’s regime to its knees, they are given less credit for their lack of experience, efficiency, and organizational and leadership skills. They are particularly criticized for a poor public relations program.
Detractors of EPDRF, groups such as the Organization of Ethiopian Unity (OEU) based in Los Angeles and Aend Ethiopia based in Washington accuse them as hard-line Marxists and a front for the EPLF. They are viewed as political extremists bent on dismantling Ethiopia. Both OEU and Aend Ethiopia strongly condemn the Mengistu regime and advocate his removal from power as a precondition for peace and security in Ethiopia. The Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Party (EPRP), and Ethiopian Democratic Union (EDU) also appear to be contending in the current crises.
EPRDF’s supporters argue that their adversaries have deliberately misrepresented their efforts and political program. They accuse the Derg of a “divide and rule” policy. They plead for a fair hearing.
EPDRF leaders have rejected accusations that they are secessionists and hard-line communists. EPRDF spokesmen say that while there may be some secessionists and communists among their ranks, they do not dictate policy nor do they constitute the majority in a coalition of groups represented in the organization. They explain that some leaders in the group still speak in Marxist phraseology because that is the
only political language they know. Many are young people who have been subjected from an early age to intense ideological indoctrination. For nearly two decades, to the total neglect of their overall education, these young people had been exposed to Marxist political literature. They were taught to worship the likes of the likes of Che Guevarra of Cuba, the late Nikolai Ceausescu of Romania and Enver Hoxa of Albania.
The EPDRF also claims to uphold peace as an essential element of freedom and democracy in Ethiopia. They profess a belief in multiparty democracy and individual rights.
Need for Statesmanship
Ultimately, the proof of the pudding is in the eating. Ethiopians do not wish to exchange one set of problems for another. They are tired of bloodshed and fratricidal strife. They crave peace, justice, human dignity and the rule of law. Any group that aspires to national lead ership must be prepared to meet these challenge.
Above all, Ethiopian are looking for the qualities of true statesmanship, a leadership that will reach-out to every section of Ethiopian society and heal the wounds that have been needlessly inflicted on the nation for the last 17 years.
1. A council of elders will be elected by the people from every region and they will be authorized to appoint a trusteeship government under their control.
2. The first duty of the trusteeship government under the control of the council of elders will be to sign an agreement with the present government on matters relating to the safety and security of party members, functionaries and officials. This is a practical necessity not only for the sake of those involved, but also for the country and the nation which cannot afford another occasion for losing its trained manpower in one way or another.
3. The other duty of the trusteeship government will be to ensure that the sovereignty of the Ethiopian people and not the possession of guns that will be the source of power. Thereafter, all groups who have different and opposing ideas, no matter how unfashionable they may be, will debate freely and publicly with a view to winning the support of the Ethiopian people.
4. After ratifying the constitution that will be fully and freely debated by the whole population, and after legislating the functions, operations and the standards for contest between partied, both the council of elders and the trusteeship government will hand over authority to the winning parties and leave. Their roles will be terminal, that is, neither the members of the council of elders nor the members of the trusteeship government will seek any position in the succeeding administration.
Thus, the plan calls for the Mengistu government to step down and give way to an interim transitional administration.
In a statement accompanying the proposal the professors said:
“It is hoped that the world community that has shown so much concern with the plight of the Ethiopian people in a variety of ways would give it the necessary support so that sanity can be restored and the Ethiopian people can gain access to the kind of peace that will enable them to pursue much needed developmental goals.”
According to the reports from Addis Ababa, the latest report from Addis Ababa indicates that Mengistu has rejected the initiative. However, the fact that an appeal was made to world leaders over his head has greatly agitated Mengistu and, judging by his past behavior, the professors now stand in real danger of losing their lives.
The participants appointed a committee for peace and reconciliation in Ethiopia, consisting of eleven persons, to pursue this matter:
Professor Mesfin Wolde-Mariam
Dr. Fisseha Haile Meskal
Dr. Seyoum Gebre Selassie
Dr. Azeb Desta
Dr. Assefa Desta
Dr. Mekonnen Bishaw
Ato Issac Kifle
Dr. Aminu Hussein
Dr. Sebhat Mersiahazen
Dr. Solomon Terfa
Dr. Taye Woldesemiate
In introducing the idea, Professor Mesfin even sounded somewhat sanctimonious by invoking the name of God, and called the peace initiative “simple”, in that it only asked for the traditional Ethiopian style reconciliation through the process known as “irq” and “yikir legziab her.”
While applauding the professors for the courage they have shown in taking this step, many observers think the approach is just too simple, bordering almost on the naive and the half-baked. For one thing, the Mengistu government is beyond redemption, and has gone far beyond the point of no return to be amenable to such an approach at this late
stage.
Secondly, even in traditional style “shimagille” reconciliation there are heavy prices to be paid, and compensations to be awarded to those who are aggrieved in the form of “Blood Price” or “Gumma” or “Kassa” by the offending party, in order to make the reconciliation worth while, firm and lasting. This plan makes no mention of that. In fact, it seems to be bending over backwards to mollify the offenders in both its tone and substance, while at the same time asking the victims (i.e., the entire Ethiopian people) to forgive and forget all the wrongs done to them in the last 17 years.
In this connection, a more comprehensive plan put out earlier by a much larger political groups, organizations and individuals at their meeting in Toronto, Canada, August, 1990, addressed the issues in volved more fully. With some effort on all sides, the “shimagille” concept should not be difficult to combine with the ideas contained in the Toronto Resolution, and be turned into a practical working proposition.
The war of national liberation in Eritrea has now been raging for over thirty years. What is more, the conflict could go on for another thirty years unless there are renewed, serious attempts to find a negotiated, political settlement to the problem. Given the strategic location of Ethiopia and Eritrea, continued armed conflict has pro
found implication for not only the regional security of the Horn and Africa. This could also have global implications.
African Americans have generally been silent on the Ethiopia-Eritrea issue. Historically they have equated Ethiopia with the heroic persona of Emperor Haile Selassie I. The Marxist-Leninist experiment that was attempted following the demise of the Emperor has been hardly under stood by the African American community. Most of their attention in recent years has been riveted on Southern Africa, and South Africa in particular. The Eritrea-Ethiopia crisis cries out for a sophisticated understanding on the part of African Americans of the issues involved, and the competing perspectives of the two sides. This would provide the basis for much needed lobbying efforts for the United States to do what it can to not only find a resolution to the conflict, but also take the leadership in devising strategies for the rehabilitation and development of the Horn region as a whole.
The scope and intensity of the Eritrea-Ethiopia conflict in large measure can be traced to the Cold War competition in the Horn between the US and USSR from the mid-1970s to the late-1980s. During this period the US spent billions of dollars supporting the militaries of Egypt, Sudan, Kenya, Somalia, and Oman, in an effort to encircle Marxist Ethiopia. At the same time the USSR was spending more than $13 billion on Ethiopia’s defense establishment. However, many of these armaments and other military supplies have been taken by the Eritreans as spoils of war — tanks, anti-aircraft guns, artillery, trucks, etc.
Since 1976, the Ethiopian military has grown from 65,000 to more than 350,000 troops. The Eritrean People’s Liberation Front grew from 10,000 to more than 50,000 combatants. In the process, it is estimated that over the three decades of the conflict more than 4 million people have died; 500,000 on the Eritrean side alone.
Added to this is the fact that over the past three years, internal war in Ethiopia has grown out of hand. The government has lost control of vast portions of the north-central part of the country to armed opponents demanding democracy and social justice. The deteriorating situation forced the regime of President Mengistu Haile Mariam in 1989 to agree to open peace negotiations with the EPLF under the mediation of former US President Jimmy Carter, and with its internal opponent, the Tigre People’s Liberation Front, with Italian mediation. However, after several meetings in 1989 and 1990, both talks failed, never going beyond procedural matters. In late 1990, the US government, in an unusual move, attempted to get the Eritrea-Ethiopia talks started
again.
At the same time, the Mengistu regime has declared that Ethiopia’s scientific socialist project is a thing of the past. The state has relinquished its control of most aspects of the economy, and has abandoned its intentions to collectivize the peasant agricultural sector. It has also invited in foreign capital, and agreed to World Bank and IMF structural adjustment requirements for loans. What is perhaps more remarkable, Mengistu has pledged political liberalization. The Worker’s Party was replaced by the Ethiopian Democratic Party, and it has been suggested that other political parties may be allowed. Yet, these reforms have had little if any effect. The regime continues to be as authoritarian as it ever was.
War is in the way of liberalization and development. Peace is absolutely essential if any progress can be made in solving Ethiopia’s major political, social and economic problems. The Ethiopian armed militant opposition wants Mengistu out, and they want an interim government of national reconciliation. The Eritreans want a referendum
on their national self-determination.
In this era of glasnost and superpower detente Africa is being forgotten by the rest of the world. This is doubly true of the Eritrea-Ethiopia conflict. African Americans should not let this continue in the area of the US’s African policy. Both superpowers have a special role to play in cleaning up the mess that they in part have created in the Horn. They both should provide assistance in the form not only of good offices, but also economic incentives in the form of debt relief and technical assistance to help Ethiopia, Eritrea, and even Sudan and Somalia, recover from war, human and environmental degradation. The Superpowers could provide the incentives to encourage the development of the economic integration of the Horn and its environs. This would set the stage for a lasting peace not only in Eritrea, but in the region as whole. No matter what the Soviets do, African Americans should make sure that the US gets busy in trying to find a negotiated settlement to not only the Eritrean question, but also the other civil conflicts in the Horn of Africa.
_________________________________________ Edmond J. Keller a contributing editor of ER, Professor of Political Science at UCLA and President Elect of the African Studies Association. Among his more recent works are: Revolutionary Ethiopia and Afro-Marxist Regimes: Ideology and Public Policy.
The Mayor of Seattle Norm Rice declared the week of June 30 – July 6 Ethiopian Week. This year 20 teams are expected to participate in the Ethiopian soccer games in Seattle. Besides the tournaments, cultural shows such as art exhibits are planned at the Red Line Hotel.
There will also be fashion shows and children programs. Bands from Ethiopia will come.
It is expected that between 5 to 8 thousand Ethiopians will go to Seattle to participate in the event.
The game will be held at Foster High School, 15 minutes drive from downtown Seattle.
This famous Ethiopian playwright, translator of several Shakespearian plays and a government official in the Ministry of Arts, was invited to Los Angeles to make a presentation in the Los Angeles Central Library on the 27th of April. He was invited by the Western Shakespeare Globe Club in Los Angeles. The club had a one-week event in the Central Library in downtown Los Angeles, and they held performances of plays, readings of poems in English and in translations to other languages, and a general discussion as to the relevance of Shakespeare in the present era.
Ato Tsegaye, who was introduced by a long time friend, Professor Shore of USC, started by asserting that Shakespeare must have had more than an outsider’s knowledge and understanding of Africa and the African psyche. This, Ato Tsegaye stated, could be seen in the portrayals of African characters like Othelo, renditions of fairy tales, stories of ghosts and witches as in Hamlet and Macbeth. In essence, he said, Shakespeare must have been a Moor and a witch to understand and write about witches as he did. In regards to the name Shakespeare, Ato Tsegaye said, “It is, indeed, rare to come across an Englishman named Shakespeare before or since.” He added, “… I have never seen any African who is not shaking a spear.”
Above and beyond Shakespeare, however, Ato Tsegaye went out of his way to show the African origin of all mythology: Greek, Roman, Hebrew and Babylonian. He gave quotations after quotations from many ancient symbolism used in the Egyptian gods Isis, Ra, Osirus, the daughter of Hathor or Atbara, and the Greek gods Zeus, Posidon, Oedipus and Aphrodite. He also showed irrefutable parallels between the stories of infancy of Sargon, Moses and Osirus. Using slides of pictures taken from Egyptian tomb drawings and sculptures, Ato Tsegaye demonstrated that Africa is the root and mother of all Greek and Roman culture, mythology and language.
In conclusion, Ato Tsegaye said, “… Shakespeare was rejected by the Queen in his life time because he used English in writing his plays. English at that time was regarded as uncultivated and the language not of court, but of the streets. And the Queen was of French and Norman extract. However, the writings of Shakespeare, not only in ghosts and fairy tales, but also in the intrigues is of relevance to us Africans than to Europe and the West.
Though well attended by many other nationals, there were merely half a dozen Ethiopians at that meeting in the Central Library. A couple of days later, however, Ato Tsegaye held an open meeting in Awash, an Ethiopian restaurant in West Los Angeles where he discussed in some length the origins and relationships of languages. The place was jam packed with listeners and Ato Tsegaye gave answers to some questions at the end of his presentations.
