There are enough indications to suggest that Ethiopia is once again headed towards a civil war. A recent article in the Los Angeles Times which painted a bleak picture of the possibility of peace disturbed many Ethiopians in America. A civil war involving the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) and the ruling Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) will have far-reaching effects on the entire country since the Oromo regions are the bread basket of Ethiopia.
Despite the Charter’s explicit endorsement of the concept of regional autonomy or even a federal system, Ethiopia’s ethnic rivalry still remains to be a source of unrest.
The root cause of this animosity is a deep rooted mistrust between the OLF and the EPRDF. The OLF claims that the EPRDF is, like its predecessors, an organization of Amhara-Tigrean coalition seeking to dominate and exploit the fertile Oromo lands. An Oromo friend recently told me that Oromos, who make up 40% of the entire population, are fighting for control of their territory.
The issue of territorial control surfaced when in 1989 the EPRDF captured from the Derg several garrisons and towns in the rich western province of Wellega where most of the OLF leadership comes from. This move angered Oromo leaders and ultimately resulted in a bitter confrontation between the two. A prominent Oromo intellectual, Dr. Nukria Bulcha of the University of Upsala, Sweden blasted the EPRDF as an arrogant organization with an Amhara-Tigrean ideology. Again, a conference which the two held in Europe in 1990 resulted in nothing but further confrontation.
As far as the EPRDF is concerned, all the Oromo organizations, including the OLF–a major partner in the transitional government–are poorly organized to run the administration of their regions. Also, the EPRDF claims that the Charter empowers it to ensure the stability of the country and safety of non-Oromos in Oromo regions. To accomplish this, the EPRDF, with the collaboration of Oromo People’s Democratic Organization (OPDO), a member of its coalition, has established its presence in Oromo regions within the last nine months.
Any keen observer of Ethiopian affairs would see some merit in the competing positions. For example, it is no secret that the EPRDF would like to see Ethiopia minus Eritrea as a united states with the EPRDF coalition at the helm of power. Recent arrests of Somalis in Jijiga, Dirdaba, Kabridahar and Godie was a brazen effort by the government to establish its authority in this chaotic region. On the other hand, its move to reconcile warring Somali clans in the region is seen by many as a positive step. But Oromo organizations seem to resent any similar intervention from the EPRDF, even when non-Oromos, like Amharas, Hararis and Somalis are facing life threatening dangers from Oromo groups.
A case in point is the recent massacres by Oromos in Dirdaba, Arsi, and Harer which targeted innocent non-Oromo civilians in these Oromo regions. Although the OLF officially renounced these acts, such massacres are understood by many as the implicit policy of Oromo organizations which seek to drive non-Oromos out of the land the OLF calls the state of “Biya Oromia.”
Most Oromo organizations are discomforted by the idea that the EPRDF is a national organization. Nonetheless, Oromo organizations, far from being an alternative to the claim of the EPRDF, proved to be incapable of guaranteeing the security of citizens in their regions. Furthermore, the destruction of badly needed infrastructures upon which the food aid supply for over a million Somali returnees in the Ogaden and Bale is a repugnant act of terrorism.
As to resolving the contradiction between these two giants, there are only two roads to follow — war or peace. To know which road is best for the peoples of the region, one needs to speak to Khadija Said, a distant relative of mine whom I do not recognize but managed to call me collect from the border town of Moyale in Kenya and explained to me how she and her four sons are starving after her husband died in one of the regional wars. In a desperate and fading voice, she told me that she is in a position to cook a dead donkey for her kids if she can find one. With tears in my eyes, I promised her to send money through Nairobi. Concepts such as “national freedom” or “democracy”, as inalienable as they may be, are at the moment elusive to Khadija and thousands of people in the region. Bread and peace are not.
If the OLF leaders think that by disrupting the food aid supply to these people, particularly to the Ogaden, will hurt the EPRDF, well, they are dead wrong and their actions are unforgivable. Neither would the EPRDF be exonerated if it behaves like its predecessors and uses fire power to quell Oromo or any other insurgency. If both parties are interested in establishing a democratic system, they should do it peacefully. To resolve their differences through another civil war is certainly inexcusable.
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Faisal Roble is a City Planner for the City of Los Angeles.
We began our journey north on the highway leading out of Addis Abeba. Sultan Ali Mirha, the septegenerian leader of the Afar people had agreed to grant us an interview. As we left Addis Abeba we witnessed the scars of war on the rural landscape. Tanks and various other military vehicles destroyed in the Derg’s
unsuccessful campaigns littered the countryside. It was a pathetic sight!
We arrived at Debre Birhan after several arduous hours of driving. The town appeared deserted. There was little activity but we spent the night there. From Debre Birhan we planned to travel to Dufti, the main assembly point for the Afar people. This leg of the journey was exceptionally difficult. The temperature was extremely hot. We had limited supply of water and other necessaries.
Upon arriving at Dufti we sent a message to the Sultan asking to be granted an audience. He was ready to see us and without delay we proceeded to his residence with escorts.
Sultan Ali Mirha is the religious and traditional leader of the Afar people. At age 70 he is in remarkably good physical shape. He lives in a traditional house which is surrounded by a stone wall. Traditional Afar emblems are displayed on the walls. Guards were also posted outside carrying rifles and proudly displaying the traditional Afar dagger from the waistline.
We were ushered into the receiving room. The Sultan was seated on a throne-like chair clad in traditional attire. He had an imposing presence. We exchanged greetings and after a short while began the interview.
We began by talking about the geographical boundaries of the Afar area. The Sultan paused reflectively and began his description: “Indeed, while the land of the Afar people has certain geographic boundaries, it should be noted that these boundaries are meaningful only in the larger context of a united Ethiopia. To clarify, when we speak of a united Ethiopia, we are talking about national unity in a democratic society in which the principles of equality are observed.
“Having said this, let me say that the land of the Afar people is bounded as far as Massawa (to the northeast) and Harer (to the southeast). The Afar people have struggled to keep their land with their blood. They have made great sacrifices. No one can take their land away from them. The Afar people have every right to self-determination.”
The Sultan has been a powerful force in directing the energies of the Afar people towards national unity and local self-improvement. In fact, in a major conference of the Afar people held in Dufti several months ago, Afar leaders passed resolutions pledging allegiance to Ethiopian unity and the strengthening of the bonds of friendship between the various peoples of Ethiopia. The conference also condemned ethnic division and resolved to struggle against any form of dictatorship.
I followed up with another question asking what the people of Afar thought of Ethiopian unity. The Sultan smiled broadly and said: “Certainly, the people of Afar have no desire to infringe upon any other group or territory. However, the people of Afar are determined to do their part and struggle against anyone who seeks to break up the country. Some self-appointed leaders in our community are seeking disunity but they are acting outside the will and desires of the Afar people. They do not have the best interests of our people.”
This view was echoed by Sultan Ali Mirha’s son, Ato Hanfre Ali Mirha who is the Chairman of the Afar Liberation Front. Last July Ato Hanfre publicly stated that the representatives of the Afar people were participating in the Conference on the basis of Ethiopian unity. He also stated that the people of Afar will continue struggle to maintain the unity and integrity of Ethiopia.
Sultan Ali Mirha has recently undertaken considerable efforts to avoid division among the people of Afar and provide unifying leadership to his people. When asked about his role in maintaining unity among the people of Afar, the Sultan said: “The people of Afar like any other Ethiopians are proud of their heritage and history. We are one with all Ethiopians. No one can make excuses and take this identity from the Afar people. Our people will never accept a separate identity. Only those forces who are anti-Afar people will make claims of separation. We will not hesitate to expose them for what they are. This must be done for the unity of our Ethiopian people.” The Sultan regards the Afar leadership installed by the Derg as artificial and irrelevant. He points out that with the fall of the Derg also fell its lackeys in the Afar.
Sultan Ali Mirha has been leading the Afar people for fifty years. He is a man with a keen sense of history and a vision of Ethiopia. He spoke softly but there was solemnity and sincerity in his words. He was reflective and thoughtful. He exhibits a unique appreciation of the larger social and political processes. His words express deep concern for the future of Ethiopia and the people of Afar. He is open minded and willing to consider alternative viewpoints. His words aim to develop consensus and cooperation. But his resolve was undoubtable. He urges the ways of peace than war. He pleads for reasoned communication and avoidance of confrontation. He wants to build bridges for people to know and understand each other. The Sultan pleaded, “leaders must help forge the bonds of unity, cooperation and respect between peoples. Only when these conditions are present that Ethiopia will live in peace and prosperity.”
The Sultan related his frustrations about the poverty and hardship his people face everyday: “The people of Afar are pastoralists. In the past we have been unable to build cities or modern institutions. We have no factories or industries. We don’t even have schools.
“But the past should not dictate our future. Indeed, the past imperial and military governments have largely ignored us. They have done little to bring modernization to the people of Afar. The tragedy has been that the Afar people have been misdirected from enjoying the benefits of modernization and forced to choose a life of war and hate. This can never be forgotten.
“On the other hand, there are some now agitating for division among the Afar people. These individuals want to create animosity and confrontation with other Ethiopians living in the area. Many Amharas, Oromos, Somalis and others have lived
among us. There is no reason why they should not continue to live with us.
“It is a fact that the imperial government overtaxed us and the Derg tied us up in slogans. Today, we have nothing and still live in poverty. Our people lack food and shelter. Even when nature turned against us, no one bothered to help us and many of our people had to become refugees. Our people perished from famine and starvation rather than beg. Many did not even reach their destination. When their camels died they tried to cross on foot. They did not have a chance.”
Despite these words, Sultan Ali Mirha remains remarkably optimistic about the future. He continued: “Things must change for the better. Our land which stretches from Massawa to Harerghe must be developed and improved with roads and modern facilities to bring about a basic change in the lives of our people. Let it be clearly understood that our land is not just ours but the whole of Ethiopia. Its development benefits all of Ethiopia.
“Of course, our economic problems are two numerous to list. But the basic ones must be addressed. Today, most of the world benefits from advances in medicine and technology. Most of the people of Afar do not even know about the existence of these wonderful medicines let alone use them. We have no clinics or even the most basic health care services.
“This cannot go on much longer. Within our resources and limitations means must be found to give our people basic services. To achieve this we must use everything from our camels to the natural resources that are hidden in our soil. Our rivers that pour out into the sea should be harnessed for agricultural development. Roads must be built and communications improved.
“The cotton farms at Tendaho are a good example. These farms support the textile industry in Ethiopia. Similar projects can be developed in our area to improve the lives of our people.
“The natural resources buried in the soil should be examined by modern methods and technology. The land in which the Afar people live in is traversed by the Great Rift Valley. With modern technology and methods it may be possible to extract oil and other resources and help improve the lives of our people. There is also plenty of potash that can be exploited. In fact this resource can be exported to provide immediate support for our people. Wise use of resources can bring modernity and progress to our people. They will help us overcome ignorance, disease and poverty.
“There is another important dimension to all this. At a time when the popular slogan declares `The people of Afar have the right to self- determination,’ many things can be done. On our coastline which extends from Massawa to Djibouti, we can develop a fishing industry on the Red Sea. This can produce substantial revenues and help in other areas of growth and development. In this regard, self-determination becomes a mechanism for local growth and development.
“Of course, when we say this, it should be understood that the Afar people will not benefit separated from Ethiopia. This is not and can never be. Our unity will remain as it always has. It just means that resources locally available will be used for local projects. But it also means that we can share our growth and development with all of Ethiopia as a single united nation.
“Unity is our collective strength and no artificial lines can be drawn to split us apart. To be sure, our unity cannot even be questioned! We, the people of Afar, have as our cherished hope the unity and stability of Ethiopia in which the people of Ethiopia hold for each other love, caring, respect and concern. We will never stop struggling for this goal. We are confident that this goal will be achieved.”
Despite the Sultan’s remarkable optimism and foresight, he is also deeply saddened by the seventeen years of Marxist misrule and the resulting social dislocation in Ethiopia. He finds nothing redeeming about the Derg’s economic and social programs. He attributes his people’s impoverishment and social breakdown on the Derg’s misguided policies and futile efforts to restructure Afar society in the ways of socialism. He is particularly critical of the Derg’s attempts to install Afar leader’s who neither have the support of the people nor have any basis in traditional authority to play leadership roles. The Sultan points to the fall of Derg appointed Afar leaders last year after the fall of Mengistu as evidence of their lack of support in the Afar community.
The Sultan says that he never had any contact with the Derg officials. Apparently, the Derg did not also seek to enlist his support.
The Sultan is far more charitable to the present regime. He appears to be satisfied with developments to date. He does not have specific policy differences with the regime although he is quick to underscore his views on Ethiopian unity and the need for democratic institutions to insure peace, stability and progress in Ethiopia. In the abstract he is not particularly against the ethnic apportionment although he does not wish to see Ethiopian unity thwarted by ethnocentric politics.
In evaluating the transitional government’s performance over the past year, Sultan Ali Mirha is cautiously optimism. He credits the government for striving to bring peace to the country and for attempting to introduce and maintain democratic institutions particularly in the context of the last seventeen years. But he advises that a great deal remains to be done and that the leadership in and out of government must cooperate to establish peace and begin the task of national reconstruction and reconciliation.
Sultan Ali Mirha says that his people have not been under military pressure from the new government. The government has also not attempted to politically interfere in internal Afar matters. He says he has not faced any governmental opposition in his efforts to organize the Afar people for national political participations. The government has not kept him from disseminating his views among the Afar people or other Ethiopians. He also says he has no problem getting access to the government controlled media.
The Sultan says that he has received only limited aid from the government to aid the Afar people. But he also cautions that the government itself is financially strapped. He foresees increased assistance once the economy revives and foreign assistance becomes available.
The Sultan also appeared to be conciliatory towards the EPLF. He says the EPLF has not placed him under military, economic or other pressures. He says he is in contact with EPLF leaders and does not foresee any significant problems. He hopes that relations will improve with time and regards any strains that may exist between himself and the EPLF as “misunderstanding”. He says he will do everything to overcome these misunderstandings.
On the question of Eritrean secession and the possible reaction of the Afar people, the Sultan says it is premature to comment now. He says the most important questions involve unity and equal rights for all individuals regardless of ethnicity. He says our collective aim should be unity with stability. The Sultan does see dangers that can interrupt the movement towards democracy and perhaps even rekindle another civil war. But he is optimistic that all Ethiopians will opt to avoid war and work for peace. He reflects: “Indeed, history offers the best lessons. The history of Armenia is an object lesson. So is the history of our neighbors the Yemenis. The people of Yemen who had lived together in peace for generations were divided by those self-interested leaders who pitted Yemeni against Yemeni and shed a lot of unnecessary blood.
“Fighting brings only death and destruction and never understanding and love between people. We must make every effort to eliminate hate. We must always strive to promote respect for each other, observe each other’s rights and work to strengthen our traditions.
“The foundation of democracy is for leaders to embrace the people and for the people to embrace and trust their leaders. In this regard, the people of Afar know their leaders and the leaders know and respect the people. The leaders abide by the people’s wishes and decisions.
“When we say the Afar leaders respect the people, we also mean that they respect Ethiopian unity and all those who promote better understanding and cooperation among the peoples of Ethiopia. Our people stand for Ethiopian unity and they
will shed their blood to insure that.
“In African history, the name Ethiopia has great historical significance. Ethiopia is a great symbol of freedom for all of Africa. All of you young educated people should do everything in your powers to find ways and means to teach the people about the values of unity and the power of the people.”
With these words of encouragement, Sultan Ali Mirha ended the interview. I left completely overwhelmed by this great leader. Here is a man of vision and deliberation, a leader with foresight!
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Reported by ER special correspondent in Addis Abeba. Additional information compiled by ER staff in the U.S.
Economic recovery or development in an environment of conflict, insecurity and fear is virtually impossible. The coalition government of Ethiopia therefore must impartially and peacefully mediate between the warring parties in order to create a peaceful atmosphere throughout Ethiopia so that economic rehabilitation can get underway. Force cannot be a mechanism for democratizing a society. Force may temporarily silence a people but it cannot bring about genuine peace and stability.
It may be useful to mention that an effective way to stop war in Ethiopia today is to let the various nationalities be responsible for their own local affairs over political, economic, social and cultural issues. That was why there was great optimism among the subjugated peoples of Ethiopia when the Charter of July 1991 affirmed the exercise of self- determination by the nationalities.
This analysis assumes that there will be peace and security in the country to earnestly launch an emergency economic rehabilitation program. But can we begin to rebuild an economy that is profoundly distorted and utterly impoverished? Agriculture stands out as the most promising sector to recover with relatively modest investment obtained in the form of development assistance from multilateral and regional financial institutions and friendly donor countries. Agriculture is the dominant sector of the Ethiopian economy accounting for about 45% of GDP, 85% of export revenue and provides livelihood for 85% of the people. Ethiopia must produce enough food itself and stop its reliance on international donations. This is urgent not only to ensure food security but also to reverse the psychologically corrosive effect of “begging” on the self-esteem of Ethiopians. Furthermore, economic rehabilitation measures produce the quickest results in the agricultural sector, since farmers react quickly to various incentives and the production period for crops is short. This of course is the case in regions where there is sufficient annual precipitation. In regions where soil erosion and drought threaten agricultural production, the ongoing cooperative effort, with donors assistance, to conserve soil and water must be greatly strengthened along with the use of drought- resistant grain varieties. Maximum effort to attain food self-sufficiency through increasing investment in agriculture must be made in the western, central and southern regions.
Higher prices have proven to be one of the most effective ways of increasing agricultural production. Higher prices should be paid to producers when government agencies buy agricultural commodities. Farmers should be allowed to sell their products on the open market. Except in those cases where a government agency purchases commodities in competition with the private sector, agricultural marketing should be largely the domain of the private sector.
During surplus periods, farmers need protection by means of price stabilizing marketing mechanism. Surplus production usually results in depressed commodities prices. A price stabilization policy is necessary to protect farmers so that they don’t have to sell their produce when market is oversupplied and prices are falling.
Another urgent measure that should be taken to rehabilitate the economy is to make credit available to farmers. There is adequate institutional structure (AIDB) to intensify credit operation in rural areas. Since the farmer needs the money for buying seeds, tools, fertilizers, etc., the provision of such materials instead of cash will serve the same purpose as credit.
It is a waste of resources to continue sinking funds in large-scale state farms which are among the most wasteful legacies of the Derg. These farms must be broken up and distributed among the farmers of the regions at reasonable prices payable over a period of, say, ten years. The most desirable solution would be to form voluntary production cooperatives which could own and operate such farms. It would be socially unjust and politically unwise to sell large-scale state farms to wealthy urban investors or to persons exogenous to the region, because they would only hire local people and pay them low wages, given the absence of competition in the labor market.
It seems that the next important step to take is in the area of exchange and trade regime. In the area of trade, priority should be given to importing essential drugs, chemicals, raw materials for industry, spare parts and other intermediate goods. In view of the scarcity of foreign exchange, the government should continue to allow traders to import what the country urgently requires by using the so-called “own funds” or “franco valuta” (F.V.). Such funds usually originate from personal remittances of expatriates. F.V. is now indispensable given the fact that the Derg has totally depleted the nation’s foreign exchange reserve and donor- provided funds. Available information on Ethiopia indicate that factories, most of which are agri-based, operate at 20 to 25 percent capacity, due to lack of raw materials and spare parts. Indeed, some have been closed down.
Another advantage of F.V. is that its users pay customs duties to the government often with surcharge. F.V. operation should be made profitable for traders who would abandon the mechanism if it is not financially attractive. The government, however, should issue guidelines regarding the modality of its use and categories of goods that can be imported with F.V. It must of course be kept in mind that F.V. is a stop gap measure and should not be a permanent feature of the economy. Foreign exchange is the nation’s resource and should normally be managed by the National Bank. An undesirable aspect of F.V. is that it encourages smuggling and a parallel- market.
Further liberalization of trade should also be given priority to bring about early economic recovery. Export retention schemes often ignite quick reaction on the part of potential or actual exporters. If exporters are allowed to retain a certain percentage of the exchange which their exports earn, many people would scramble to export. In many countries, export retention schemes have stimulated traders’ ingenuity to develop new and innovative exports such as handicrafts (on large scale), semi-precious stones, food items, horticulture, spices, certain fine quality textile and leather products. Traders should be allowed to use the portion of foreign exchange which they have retained for more essential imports. The present transaction tax on export, however small, should be removed forthwith.
Exchange rate adjustment is another economic measure which would correct distortions in the economy and quickly stimulate exports. Most people do not realize the advantages of exchange rate adjustment and tend to exaggerate its disadvantages. Exchange rate adjustment can benefit producers of traditional exports such as coffee, hides and skins, oil seeds, spices, civet, livestock, tchatt, etc. As is well known, it is really the exporters who earn foreign exchange that accrues to a country, although they have to surrender it to the National Bank. But when the National Bank gives the exporters “birr” for their export earnings, the rate at which the exporter is paid is 2.07 birr, for example, to the U.S. dollar. In the black or parallel market, however, birr is discounted to 25% of its official value, which means about 7 birr to the U.S. dollar. If we say that usually the parallel market reflects the economic value of the birr, the farmer/exporter loses a significant amount of money when he is paid at the official exchange rate. At the same time, if someone wants to import a stereo, a reconditioned car, a VCR or a television set, he/she buys foreign exchange from the National Bank at a relatively cheap price, i.e. at only 2.07 birr to the dollar. Therefore, the farmer/exporter loses about 5 birr to the U.S. dollar and the importer gains the same amount because, had he gone to the parallel market, he would have had to pay 7 birr to the U.S. dollar. It is quite obvious that there is a clear case of misallocation of resources. Who is subsidizing whom? Should the peasants subsidize urban dwellers?
Government economists who oppose exchange rate adjustments, argue that it would fuel inflation, increase government external debt payment, etc. There is no doubt that exchange rate adjustment or devaluation can cause these problems. However, the proponents of a dynamic exchange rate assert that the resulting inflation and increase in the nation’s debt repayment does not usually offset the advantages of exchange rate adjustment. In any case, in the particular case of Ethiopia, rigidity in exchange rate policy has undoubtedly been hurting the economy for a long time.
It might be useful to mention here that a two-tier exchange rate can be adopted so that government and the private sector can use different exchange rates. An appropriate exchange rate can also be attained through public bidding for available foreign exchange rather than an outright devaluation. Bidding usually succeeds when the government is sure of making the foreign exchange regularly available to the bidders.
A word may be appropriate about an aspect of the government’s new economic policy because it is key to the recovery of the economy. Much has been said about the need and appropriateness of privatizing the financial sector. Most free market economists, including myself, support a mixed-economy principle which is that the government, in competition with the private sector, can own and operate insurance companies and banks, especially if the sector is dominated by foreign investors. In any case, reform action in this sector is urgent because the financial sector usually attracts foreign investment if the policy is auspicious and assures investors of sufficient return on their investment.
A clear policy as regards land ownership is also vital to rapid economic reconstruction. Government insistence that land should remain in the public domain and non-transferable has given rise to some debate among economists and the donor community. There is no real reason to object to this position of the government, at least as regards rural lands. According to those that support non- transferability of land, land users can be confident that they can always keep the land allocated to them as long as they use it. If they wish to relinquish the use of the land, they can always sell whatever is on the land (buildings, trees, water wells,
and so on). If the buyer likes the particular piece of land, he/she can pay an attractive price for the houses and trees. Thus, the fact that land is non-transferable does not impede economic development as some people assert. The risk of allowing the transferability of land is greater than keeping it in the public domain.
Urgent action should be taken to rehabilitate roads and bridges that link centers of consumption with regions of production. After years of war and neglect, the nation’s roads and highways have become almost unusable. Unless there are all-weather roads, the farmers cannot sell their products and consumers are forced to pay exorbitant prices for the limited amount of agricultural products that manage to arrive near urban areas.
The mineral sector has potential for quick development to earn foreign exchange. Ethiopia currently produces a very modest amount of gold (less than 900 kgs.. per annum). A significant investment has already been made so that production can soon reach the estimated three tons per annum with potential to increase to ten tons in a few years. This exploitation should be undertaken without delay since it would represent a significant amount of foreign exchange.
In conclusion, it should be said that the poverty level in Ethiopia is unacceptably low even by African standards. Among the group of countries categorized as “least developed countries” by the United Nations, Ethiopia stands out as an absolutely impoverished economy with a population over 50 million continuously living on the verge of starvation.
This state of affairs is undoubtedly directly attributable to a the Derg’s corruption and incompetence. Economics and politics being two sides of the same coin, a bad government cannot enrich its people. This is particularly true of a government that relentlessly waged war against the majority of the people and sought to eliminate the professional and intellectual class by political persecution. The lesson is clear: The peoples of Ethiopia must learn to rebel against a repressive government.
Ato Bulcha Demeksa is former Executive Board Member of the World Bank representing 17 African countries.
There was a time when almost all progressive Ethiopians condemned the Ethiopian Orthodox church believing it to be partly responsible for the country’s under- development. Indeed, there would not have been Ethiopian civilization without the Ethiopian Church. The major contributions of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church to Ethiopian civilization include the fields of architecture, art, music, education, poetry, literature, law, theology, liturgy, philosophy and medicine.
Before the conversion of Ethiopia to Christianity in the 4th Century A.D. and during the reign of Emperor Ezana, paganism was rampant in Ethiopia. Judaism co-existed with paganism having been introduced to Ethiopia a few centuries earlier by the Queen of Sheba (according to the Kibre Negest). In the beginning of the Christian era, all the emperors of Ethiopia, including Ezana in the early part of his life, were pagans. According to Ezana’s first inscriptions which he engraved when he was a pagan, he offered to his god Mahram 100 cattle and 60 prisoners for helping him defeat his enemies in a battle. The 60 prisoners were offered as human sacrifice.
Pagans in Axum and its vicinity worshiped serpents as their gods and offered them human sacrifice. Legend has it that the first Ethiopian king and god was half-serpent and half-human to whom people sacrificed young girls and animals. His name was Arwe. According to the Bible, the serpent is the other manifestation of the Devil.
When Christianity became the official religion of the state, paganism and its practices were abolished. Churches and monasteries were constructed on some of the sites where serpents were worshiped and human lives sacrificed. Though Judaism was competing with paganism, it was only Christianity which had a lasting effect on Ethiopian politics, history and culture. Since the conversion of Ezana to Christianity in the 4th Century A.D., Christianity and the Ethiopian state became fused. Unlike some countries where Christianity mushroomed among the common folks and struggled hard to work its way up to the rulers, in Ethiopia, it was the other way round. The rulers of Ethiopia accepted Christianity first and played missionary roles themselves by promoting and imposing it upon their subjects. This made it easier for Christianity to spread without any persecution of Christians.
The early translation of the Bible into Geez also facilitated the rapid growth of Christianity. Even though it is believed that the old Testament was translated into Geez before the birth of Christ, some scholars like I. Gudi suggest that the last translation of the Bible (both the old and New Testaments) was in the 6 Century A.D.. The Ethiopian Church accepts a total of 81 books as canonical from both testaments contrary to the Western churches which accept only 66 books. We should feel proud that the Ethiopian church is independent in many other ways including its liturgy, theology and music.
The first architectural edifices built under the influence and by the inspiration of Christianity were churches and monasteries on the outskirts of the Axumite kingdom between the 6th and the 7th Century A.D. The locations were at Danga (now Northern Eritrea, at that time a part of the Ethiopian kingdom), on the trade routes from Axum and Adulis into the Beja land and the Nile Valley, further South near Aratou. There were also other sites close to Danga.
According to The Gedle Tsadkan. (the deeds of the saints), the nine Syrian monks who found their way to Ethiopia from the Roman Empire and 62 Ethiopians built a number of fabulous monasteries. Among these are the intriguing monasteries of Debre Damo, Debre Halle Luya, Debre Pentelewon and the Church of Aba Gerima.
All the unique churches of Ethiopia including the famous Cathedral of Axum Zion, the monasteries of Debre Sina, Debre Libanos and Kusquam in Gonder were erected by the saints of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church. The most wonderful church edifices among them are the eleven monolithic churches of Roha hewn from a solid rock. These churches built by Emperor Lalibela towards the end of the 12 Century are interconnected by subterranean passages. What is most amazing about them is that they were designed to symbolize both the earthly and heavenly Jerusalem. For instance, Bete Mariam symbolizes Gethsemany, Bete Medahne Alem, the tent of the Ark, Bete Golgotha, the Holy Sepulcher. While Bete Gebriel represents the road to heaven, Bete Libanos, the Cherubims which carry God’s throne, Merqorewos, hell and purgatory, and Bete Ammanuel, the heavenly Jerusalem. Architecturally, and in their artistic design, these churches are counted among the great wonders of the world.
The Ethiopian Church has created fine decorative designs with high artistic values. According to a Western observer who paid a visit to St. Gebriel Church one of the rock hewn churches of Lalibela a decade or two ago, inside the sanctuaries the serried arches and the neat interlacing of the vaulted roofs realistically bearing upon the main structure were arranged in perfect symmetry with the sure touch of genius.
Church inspired Ethiopian paintings manifest themselves in many forms. The churches which were constructed in different centuries ever since the conversion of Ethiopia to Christianity exhibit diverse ceiling and mural paintings which reflect coptic influence as well as other unique Ethiopian features. A number of churches such as those in Debre Damo have paneled ceilings decorated in a variety of motifs. Many theological books including the biographies of Ethiopian and foreign saints have been illuminated with the strokes of the ancient masters. Such books, in addition to their literary merit, have great artistic significance. Some of the illustrations and the pictures on magical prayers are equally interesting to the student of art.
The Ethiopian Orthodox Church has indeed produced a host of artists who excelled in secular paintings as well. In fact, all Ethiopian traditional artists originated from the Church. Twentieth Century Ethiopian painters such as Afework Gebre-Yesus, Agegnhuwork Engeda, Emaelaf Hiruy, Ale Felegeselam, Afework Tekle, and even the surrealist Gebre-Kirstos Desta whose father was a priest with knowledge of book binding, have been influenced and inspired by the decorative arts and paintings of Ethiopian Church.
The contributions of the Ethiopian Church in the fields of music, education, poetry, dance and liturgy are also significant. The father of all these was Saint Yared who lived in Northern Ethiopia in the 6th Century A.D. Yared lived during the reign of Emperor Gebre Meskel (534-548 A.D.). Even though he was a pious Christian who prayed, fasted and built churches like every Ethiopian emperor, he was also promoter of culture. He is remembered for holding the ceremony of the coronation of Ethiopian emperors in the church, unlike his predecessors.
Emperor Gebre Meskel and St. Yared were great friends. Yared was the cultural consultant of the Emperor. Gebre Meskel and his courtiers often listened to Yared while he sang divine-inspired hymns at Axum Zion Church. Gebre Meskel especially loved to listen to Yared. One day, according to tradition, Gebre Meskel was so deeply immersed in Yared’s hymns that he subconsciously pierced Yared’s feet with his spear. Yared too, being lost in his own melody, did not realize that blood was oozing from his wounded foot until he finished singing.
The depth and richness of the music which Yared created still puzzles Westerners. He had the ability to capture the sweetest sounds of birds, animals and humans alike. He invented musical notation which incidentally the West did not develop until the late 13th Century, seven hundred years after Yared. Yared encouraged Ethiopian priests to dance by swaying in a certain fashion in honor of God, accompanied by the sounds of drums and sistrums, and by the movements of the mequamia (stick). Yared’s music and dance have survived throughout the ages like Ethiopian independence, and still remain intact. It is the same hymns which the priests of Axum Zion cathedral used to chant 1400 years ago that present day Ethiopian priests sing in every Orthodox church. The liturgy of the Ethiopian Church was also elaborated by St. Yared. He labored hard to prescribe the ritual for public worship which is valid to this day.
The same Yared who created Ethiopian Church music and dance also laid the cornerstone of Ethiopian education. His curriculum was based on his philosophy of education. He believed that every human being is capable of learning if his mind is ignited properly. However, he recognized that learning is a dynamic process. He classified education into three levels: elementary, secondary and higher, which is equivalent to Western college.
In addition, St. Yared was a great poet in his own right and developed Ethiopian poetry known as Qine. Qine has twelve forms of versification or models for writing poetry, beginning from gubae qana and ending with itane moger. All Amharic and Tigringa speaking poets use some of these verse forms. Saint Yared’s poems were profound in content and fine in form. According to tradition, he was transported to heaven to learn some divine melody by heart and brought it down to earth.
The Ethiopian Orthodox Church has also been a source of Ethiopian history and historians. Its priests and scholars not only wrote the chronicles of Ethiopian emperors and recorded Ethiopian history for the past 1500 years, they were also biographers of saints recording the deeds of saints (gedloch). The Kibre Negest and Senqsar (The Synaxarium) are two remarkable books which deal with the history of Ethiopian emperors and the lives of the saints of both Ethiopian and Coptic churches.
These learned men not only wrote their own books, they also translated valuable books from Hebrew, Greek and Arabic. Some of these books, lost in the original languages, have existed only in Geez. A case in point is the Book of Henok which has been translated from
Geez into many other European languages. Both the original and the translated books which have been preserved by the church inspite of the burning of thousands of other priceless books by religious fanatics and savage Europeans, bear a tremendous literally value.
Having had an upper hand in the Ethiopian government, the Church introduced the Fetha Negest (the judgment of kings) which had been the standard book of Ecclesiastical and Civil Law, as recently as the reign of Emperor Theodros, or even emperors Menelik and Haile Selassie, directly or indirectly. Whoever studies Ethiopian law in a university will have had to examine The Fetha Negest for this was the basis of Ethiopian Civil Law.
That the Ethiopian Orthodox Church has its own kind of liturgy and theology is a fact. Many Ethiopian Emperors were well-versed theologians. Some of them, such as Zera Yacob, author of Metsihafe Birhan wrote a number of theological books and loved to enter into public discourse on religious discussions.
The Ethiopian Orthodox Church did not provide us only with emperors who were philosophers. Its legacy includes philosophers who originate among the common folks, such as Zera Yacob and his students who, several centuries ago, wrote Hateta Zere Yaqob (the thesis of Zera Yacob), a book which covers a wide range of subjects such as autobiography, theology, logic, ethics and even hygiene.
The valuable books of traditional medicine which we possess today, and which Western doctors wish they were translated into European languages, were passed on to us by the doctors of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church. Our calendar system, which is based on astronomical calculations and which we use to this day, is the contribution of the Church. The various ancient crosses with different shapes and sizes are great works of art which international museums crave to exhibit. The Ethiopian Church has produced all the important scholars and writers of these century. Afework Gebre-Yesus, Gebre-Hiwot Baikedagn, Alemayehu Moges, Teklesadic Mekuria, Zemenfesqedus Aberha, Hiruy Wolde-Selassie, Mekonnen Endalkachew, Mahtemeselassie Wolde-Meskel, Yoftahe Negussie, Haddis Alemayehu, Abe Gubegna, Tsegaye Gebre-Medhin, Mengistu Lemma, and all the lexicographers including Aleka Kidanewold, Aleka Desta and Ato Tessema, these are the fruits of the school of the Ethiopian Church.
Numerous Ethiopian singers (I’ll bet even Tilahun Gessesse), received their vocal training in the Church while they were deacons in their boyhood. The Ethiopian Orthodox Church, most of all, has indirectly contributed to Ethiopia’s independence. Ethiopian soldiers and
emperors drew from the Church faith and conviction to die for their country and religion. They prayed to their God in the Church every time before they went to a war, and carried with them the Ark of The Covenant to the battle front, believing that the God who dwells in it would help them to defeat their enemies. For instance, Emperor Menelik II, his queen Taitu and many Ethiopians believed that it was the invisible St. George who helped them defeat the Italians in 1896 at the Battle of Adwa when the priests carrying the Ark of the Covenant and Empress Taitu were praying ceaselessly until the end of the War.
The contributions of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church are immense indeed. It suffices to say that every person who can read and write Amharic and Tigrigna owes something to this church.
_________________________ Fikre Tolossa, Ph.D., is Assistant Dean of Faculty at Columbia Pacific University and producer of Ethiopian TV in San Francisco, CA. He is also adjunct professor of film and ethnic studies at Sonoma State University in Rohnert Park, California.
The question of self-identity is significant in this age of ethnic consciousness and revolt. Today Ethiopia is in the throes of ethnic rivalry. Both self-identity and national identity have become troublesome questions in the Ethiopian context. Unfortunately, Ethiopian intellectuals have paid little attention to these issues.
Let me make a provocative assertion. I argue that you and I are not ‘real’ Ethiopians. In my opinion, a `real’ Ethiopian is one who was born in Ethiopia, and raised on Ethiopian culture. The `real’ Ethiopian is unexposed to Western culture and civilization.
If you have attended English, German, French, or any school in Ethiopia based on the Western model of education, then you are a `hybrid’ of Western culture and mentality with elements of “Ethiopianism” in you. If you lived or attended school outside Ethiopia, you are more Westernized than those who have attended schools in Ethiopia.
Of course, you can argue that there is no such thing as pure Ethiopian culture and ideology. True. Throughout her history Ethiopia has had cultural intercourse and ethnic affinity with neighboring African, Arabian and Minor-Asian peoples. I am addressing this issue in relative terms.
When you entered the first grade in the Western model of education you started being alienated from the languages, cultures, values, customs and mentality of the Ethiopian people. When you moved to grade two, you moved away two steps from the world outlook and tradition shared by most Ethiopians. When you completed grade twelve, there is a gulf of twelve years between you and them, thus making you and them strangers to each other. The higher our achievement in the system of Western education, the greater our detachment from the masses of
the Ethiopian people.
Did Western education alienate us from our roots? In many ways. I think it made us look down upon our culture and worship Western science and technology. Hollywood movies made us the mental slaves of the `American way of life.’ In our teens we all wished to go to the “wonderful” America and “enjoy” life. We aspired to be Western men, generally ignorant and contemptuous of our roots.
You and I perhaps born in Ethiopia are able to speak a bit of one or two Ethiopian languages. Our facial mask is black (if you admit that you are black). These factors alone do not qualify us to be natural or real Ethiopians since it is neither color nor language alone which determine one’s nationality. A black man raised on French culture could some times be more French than the uncultured white Frenchman. A white man raised by and on Ethiopian culture, shaped by traditional Ethiopian
thoughts, manners, customs, and speaking one or more Ethiopian languages could be more Ethiopian than you and me. A case in point is Tegist, Derartu, Lensi, and Kelbecha Gadissa. These sisters and brothers are white. They say that they were abandoned in a Shoa village by their white parents, probably American Peace Corps volunteers, when they were kids. They were raised by Ethiopian peasants. They speak only the Oromo language. Confined to rural Ethiopia all their lives, they were not exposed to Western education or civilization. Apart from the color of their skin, they are the same in everyway with the other Ethiopian peasants of the Oromo nationality. I dare say they are more natural or real Ethiopians than you and me. I wouldn’t be surprised if they prove to be more natural or real Oromo than an Oromo intellectual who has been trained in the West.
What are some of the features of the ‘hybrid-Ethiopian?’ In extreme cases, the ‘hybrid-Ethiopian’ tends to be ignorant of Ethiopian history and civilization.
He or she negates and disdains Ethiopian culture as backward. By Ethiopian civilization I mean the civilization of all the peoples of Ethiopia, including the Oromos, the Amharas, the Tigreans, the Afars and all the rest. For the ‘hybrid’ Ethiopian culture is feudal and primitive. The only thing which he or she perhaps likes and admires is the food. If he or she ever misses Ethiopia, it is probably because of those delicious dishes.
There are plenty of everyday facts which distinguish the `hybrid.’ He or she appreciates the guitar more than the kirar and the violin more than the masinko. He or she prefers Bach’s compositions to St. Yared’s hymns. He or she will talk to his or her children in English, French or German than in his or her native tongue. Instead of visiting the Obelisks of Axum, which Europeans and Americans ironically value highly, the `hybrid’ would rather fly to Paris and New York to watch the Eiffel
Tower and the Empire State building. He or she would visit the Vatican than the wonderful monoliths of Lalibela. He or she would rather marvel at the Niagara Falls than the Blue Nile Falls (tis essat). Of course not all `hybrid-Ethiopians’ manifest these extremes.
Am I saying Western education is evil? Not so. What I am saying is that we are brainwashed to adore and worship everything Western and look down upon everything that is ours. I am saying that we have been misguided in our education which put little emphasis on knowledge about our own culture, history, religion, music, medicine, art and literature. Certainly if these subjects were offered at schools from the Ethiopian perspective along with Western education, Ethiopian intellectuals would not have been ignorant or alienated from their roots.
Whether you and I think that we belong to the Amhara, Oromo, Tigre, Eritrean,
Gurage, Afar or Somali nationality, we don’t have lots of things in common with the `real’ members of these nationalities. Even our language is mixed with foreign phrases. How many of us can speak an Ethiopian sentence without borrowing from English, French, German or Italian? How much of the cultural values of the different Ethiopian nationalities do we know with any depth? How much of our tradition do we practice? How much of the psychology and history of our people do we know? Look at the way we dress and live. How many of our countrymen in Ethiopia strut in a Pierre Cardin or Armani suit or dress?
No matter how conscious we are now becoming about our roots and ethnicity, we have been uprooted from them over all those years of schooling and living abroad. For these reasons, I cannot claim to be a `real’ Ethiopian. I might say I am a proud Ethiopian to an American or European. Whether I admit in this case the truth about my nationality or not, I am not a `real’ Ethiopian. I am hybrid-Ethiopian. If you can read these passages, so are you… Believe it or not!
_____________________ Dr. Fikre Tolossa is Assistant Dean of Faculty at Columbia Pacific University, and Producer of Ethiopian TV based in San Francisco. He is also adjunct professor of film and ethnic studies at Sonoma State University in Cotati, California.
President George Bush on November 5 recognized Dr. Mekonnen Meshesha of Boston, Massachusetts, as “The 606th Daily Point of Light” for the Nation. Dr. Meshesha, a native of Ethiopia, helps to resettle and support African refugees in his community.
Dr. Meshesha, age 37, began his voluntary efforts in 1979 at Boston’s Ethiopian Family Center. He has offered his home, his time, and his service to refugees in his community struggling to assimilate into a new culture. His generosity and caring are exceeded only by his passion and determination to help those less fortunate than himself.
Dr. Meshesha volunteers countless hours as a counselor, translator, leader and role model for Ethiopian and other African community groups. He is available to them 24 hours a day, seven days a week. Most of his work is done in the field: in the courtroom on behalf of Ethiopians unable to defend themselves in English, in the hospital translating for those unable to express themselves in English, or at a local jail counseling incarcerated refugees.
President Bush salutes Mekonnen Meshesha for his volunteer efforts and for exemplifying his belief that, “from now on in America, any definition of a successful life must include serving others.”
From The White House office of the Press Secretary
November 5, 1991
