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Author: Elias Kifle

’25 Most Influential’

This year Ethiopian Review starts to release its annual list of ’25 Most Influential Ethiopians.’ The list, which is prepared on Ethiopia’s New Year, September 11 (Meskerem 1), is about 25 persons who are the most influential (for good or bad) in the Ethiopian society.

The following is this year’s list. It is prepared in consultation with Ethiopian Review readers and editorial advisers.

Ethiopian Review’s “25 Most Influential”

1. Meles Zenawi, political leader: He is in charge of a murderous tribal gang named ‘Tigrean People Liberation Front (Woyanne) that has made Ethiopia one of the poorest, most miserable countries in the world where over 10 million people are currently starving. Meles spends millions of dollars to invade and occupy a neighboring country, Somalia, while tens of thousands of children in Ethiopia are dying of starvation. (watch this documentary by France24 TV to understand the extent of the suffering in Ethiopia). The tactics Meles is using to pacify Somalia includes slashing the throats of Somali religious leaders and prisoners of war, and gang rape of Somali women by Woyanne soldiers. The Meles army has left over 2 million Somalis homeless following the illegal invasion of their country in December 2006. Meles continues to terrorize the people of Ethiopia and Somalia with the full political and financial backing of the World Bank, the U.S. Government and some European countries such as the U.K. The Meles regime is killing, maiming, and terrorizing more innocent civilians than Al Qaeda could ever dream of.

2. Sebhat Nega, political leader/businessman: Without him there is no Meles. Considered by many as the ‘god father’ of Woyanne, he is in charge of the Endowment Fund for the Rehabilitation of Tigray (EFFORT), a consortium of several multimillion-dollar industries that have mushroomed right after Woyanne took power. EFFORT is being used by Tigrean supremacist Woyannes to launder Ethiopia’s treasury for their ultimate goal of building ‘Greater Tigray’.

3. Azeb Mesfin, political leader/businesswomen. As the wife of Meles Zenawi, she has a stranglehold on the Ethiopian economy. No major private industry can do business in Ethiopia without making her a partner. Azeb is a member of the rubber stump parliament and serves in some committees, but she spends most of her time traveling to the U.S. and Europe to manage the treasures she is looting from the people of Ethiopia. She is currently buying homes and commercial buildings in Washington DC, Ohio, Colorado and California. She is believed to be the richest women in Africa.

4. Bereket Simon, propagandist. He is chief of propaganda for the Woyanne tribal junta. He works out of Meles Zenawi’s office of the Prime Minister. In 2005, he ran for parliament in Bugna district of Wollo and lost by a wide margin to a local farmer named Destaw Kassie. Bereket charged that he was cheated and sent his armed thugs to organize a new election. He won the re-vote, of course. The whereabouts of Destaw Kassie since then is unknown. Bereket is responsible for controlling the flow of information in Ethiopia. He is behind the blockade of Ethiopian news web sites such as EthiopianReview.com, the jamming of Voice of America, DW and other radio broadcasts to Ethiopia, the shutting down of most of the private newspapers in the country, and the jailing of journalists and editors. Bereket has paid a huge amount of money to the Chinese government to jam the VOA daily broadcasts to Ethiopia. VOA countered by launching more powerful frequencies. VOA continues to be heard through out Ethiopia clearly, despite desperate efforts by Chinese engineers to jam it. VOA also exposes the paradox of U.S foreign policy toward Ethiopia. On the one hand, the U.S. Government allows the VOA, which is under the supervision of the State Department, to expose Woyanne’s injustices. On the other hand, it continues to give political, diplomatic and financial support to the Woyanne regime.

5. Al Amoudi, businessman. Leftovers from Woyanne-owned businesses go to this Ethiopian-born Saudi billionaire. In return, Al Amoudi says Woyanne is like his mother and that he is ready to sacrifice his life for it. During the 2005 elections, he was campainging for Woyanne candidates wearing a t-shirt with Woyanne logo. Al Amoudi invests little of his own money in Ethiopia, but controls several huge companies that he built or bought with borrowed money from the stated-owned Commercial Bank of Ethiopia. He borrows even from the World Bank to buy or start a business. He has recently borrowed $200 million from the World Bank to build a cement factory. Al Amoudi’s business interests range from hotels to mining. According to ER sources in the Ministry of Mining, over 70 percent of the gold that is mined at the Legedenbi location, south-western Ethiopia, is being transported directly from the mine to London by Al Amoudi’s private planes, and protected by Woyanne’s special forces units, without being inspected by the Ministry of Mining. Al Amoudi’s corrupting influence is having a devastating effect on the Ethiopian economy, not to mention his moral corruption, such as the sexual exploitation of teenage girls by him and his foreign and local groups of friends and business associates, his public drunkenness, and bribing critics of the Woyanne regime to keep silent. Some of Ethiopia’s icons in the arts and sports are in the pocket of Al Amoudi. Artists such as Tilahun Gessesse could have been powerful voices for the people of Ethiopia against the Woyanne injustices had they not been bought by Al Amoudi.

6. Abune Merkorios, patriarch. When Woyanne came to power in 1991, it had decided to either destroy or bring under its total control all major institutions of Ethiopia. One of these institutions is the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahdo Church (EOTC). Meles and his tribal gang (Woyanne) have completely dismantled the Ethiopian army and replaced it with the Woyanne army. Currently, over 90 percent of all the high ranking officers in the army are members of the tribal Tigrean People Liberation Front (Woyanne). Meles used a different strategy with the EOTC, a powerful Ethiopian institution with 2000 years of history. Since Woyannes could not dismantle the Church, they tried to install their own patriarch named Ato Gebremedhin (formerly Aba Paulos). But there was one problem: The longstanding rules (cannon) of the EOTC doesn’t allow the appointment of a new patriarch while the incumbent is still alive. To save the Church from legitimately being taken over by a Woyanne cadre, his Holiness Abune Merkorios was advised by the Church leaders to save his life by fleeing out of the country when Meles and gang came to power in 1991. His Holiness agreed and they managed to take him out of the country in a carefully orchestrated scape plan, thus denying Ato Gebremedhin legitimacy as the newly Woyanne-installed patriarch. Currently, Abune Merkorios is in the United States. Most Ethiopian churches continue to invoke his name as the legitimate patriarch. Millions of Ethiopian Christians inside the country and around the world follow him as their religious leader. His presence continues to be a major cause of restlessness to the Woyanne junta.

7. Mohamed O. Osman, political leader. As chairman of the opposition Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF) since 1998, Mohamed Osman is leading a well-armed fighting force that is shaking the Woyanne regime from its root. In retaliation to ONLF’s military operations, Meles is carrying out a ‘scorched earth’ policy in the Ogaden region where Woyanne troops burn entire villages, massacre civilians and commit other crimes against humanity, as reported by credible international human rights groups such as Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch. The crimes that are being committed by Meles in Ogaden in retaliation to attacks by Osman’s ONLF could one day put the entire Woyanne leadership on trial for war crimes.

8. Kenenisa Bekele, athlete. A triple Olympic gold medalist, he is the undisputed king of long-distance running. Kenenisa is a pride of Ethiopia, a great source of inspiration to other Ethiopian athletes, and a role model for those who strive to achieve excellence in their field of profession.

9. Tirunesh Dibaba, athlete. It is a joy to just watch her run. Tirunesh’s elegant strides make her victories effortless. She is the queen of world’s women long distance running, and like her team-mate Kenenisa Bekele, a perfect representative of Ethiopia in international stages.

10. Teddy Afro, artist, political prisoner. Woyanne is trying hard to eradicate Ethiopian nationalism, and is almost succeeding. Most Ethiopians today, particularly in the countryside, grow up knowing little about their Ethiopian identity. In Ethiopia under the Woyanne regime, awareness of one’s ethnic identity is more encouraged, and ‘Ethiopiawinet’ (Ethiopian national identity) is being undermined. Teddy Afro, through his songs, has been able to reverse this trend set forth by Woyanne — until Meles and Bereket have decided to stop him. Currently, Teddy is locked up in a dark prison cell at the notorious Qality jail.

11. Kemal Gelchu, military leader. He is highest army officer with the rank of general to defect to the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) and later became head of the organizations’ military wing. Recently General Kemal had joined other OLF leaders to bring a change of leadership and strategy. General Kemal and friends want OLF to fight for “democratizing and unifying Ethiopia” where the interests and rights of Oromos, as well as all other ethnic groups, will be protected. OLF is the strongest armed opposition group that is fighting to remove the Woyanne dictatorship in Ethiopia.

12. Meazaw Getu, military leader. He is chairman of the Ethiopian People’s Patriotic Front, an armed resistance that is gaining ground in the fight against Woyanne.

13. Alemayehu G. Mariam, professor, attorney. He has helped the Ethiopian Diaspora to open a new front in the battle against the Woyanne brutal dictatorship — the U.S. Congress. The “Freedom and Democracy in Ethiopia Act” (H.R. 2003) is being looked at as a grave threat by the Woyanne regime. Meles is currently paying a powerful U.S. lobbying firm, DLP Piper, $50,000 to kill H.R. 2003. The House of Representatives last year passed the bill and it is currently pending in the Senate. Dr Alemayehu and friends at the Coalition for H.R. 2003 are laboring hard to get the bill passed in the Senate.

14. Leul Qeskis, political leader. He is an elected member of parliament from Gondar. Before escaping to Eritrea, Leul was Kinijit’s top representative and organizer in Gondar. When the Woyanne junta had rounded up and jailed all of Kinijit’s top leaders, Leul and a group of other members of parliament decided not to join the rubber stamp parliament. Instead, they decided to flee the country and help armed resistance fighters. Leul and friends spent over 3 months in the mountains, deserts and jungles of Ethiopia with fighters of the Ethiopian People Patriotic Front (EPPF). Currently, Leul is a key individual who is helping EPPF to restructure itself and broaden its support base.

15. Berhanu Nega, political leader. He is the legitimately elected mayor of Addis Ababa who spent almost two year at the Qaliti jail after helping to mastermind the defeat of Woyanne at the 2005 elections. When Woyanne prevented the oppostion Coalition for Unity and Democracy (Kinijit) to freely operate inside the country, Dr Berhanu Nega and friends formed a new opposition movement, Ginbot 7, in exile that has adopted a strategy that calls for change in Ethiopia by any means available.

16. Andargachew Tsige, political leader. He is one of the top leaders of the newly formed Ginbot 7 Movement for Freedom, Justice and Democracy in Ethiopia. Andargachew is said to be the architect of Kinijit’s 2005 election victory. He is considered by many to be the best Ethiopian political theoretician, analyst and strategist of the day. We will see if he can live up to his reputation by what he is doing with Ginbot 7.

17. Abebe Belew, artists, radio host. He hosts the most popular Ethiopian radio program that is listened by tens of thousands of Ethiopians in the Diaspora. His Washington DC-based radio program is also available on the Internet, making it accessible to a worldwide audience. Recently Abebe has launched a weekly radio broadcast to Ethiopia, which now can be heard by millions of Ethiopians inside the country.

18. Seye Abraha, political leader, former political prisoner. He is the former defense minister of the Woyanne regime. After a confrontation with Meles Zenawi, Seye was thrown in jail on trumped of charges of corruption. Seye is a Tigrean supremacist who is much more popular among Tigreans and rank-and-file Woyannes than any of the current top Woyanne leaders. The Meles crime family is afraid of him and keeps him on a 24/7 surveillance. Meles has reason to be afraid. There is a real possibility that Seye could replace him in a mutiny within Woyanne. The only reason Meles has released Seye after keeping him in jail for 6 years is to placate Tigreans whose support he needs if he starts war with Eritrea.

19. Abraha Belai, journalist. He is the chief editor of one of the most widely read Ethiopian web sites. Abraha is also a founding member of Gasha, a Tigrean political group. He is one of the few Ethiopians with Tigrean ethnic background who have consistently opposed the Meles dictatorship, particularly after the former defense minister and high-ranking member of Woyanne, Seye Abraha, was thrown in jail in 2001. Abraha Belai, through his popular web site, ethiomedia.com, had played a key role in rallying Ethiopians behind Kinijit before, during and after the 2005 elections. However, after Seye Abraha was released last year, Abraha’s focus has changed. He is now working to help reform Woyanne with Seye Abraha at the top, rather than destroying it. Abraha is also working hard openly, as well as behind the scene, to make sure that Ethiopian opposition groups, such as Ginbot 7, will not cooperate with the Government of Eritrea. Because any force that comes from the north with the support of Eritrea could completely eliminate Woyanne, instead of reforming it by removing Meles Zenawi. Abraha Belai does not seem to be an ardent Tigrean supremacist like his friend Seye Abraha and other Tigrean elites, but his vehement opposition, and emotional reaction, to any cooperation between Ethiopian opposition group and the Eritrean government is puzzling, to say the least. It should be noted here that Abraha Belai is a strong supporter and admirer, as well as a close friend of Seye Abraha, a former Woyanne military chief who had killed tens of thousands of Ethiopians when he fought on the side of Shabia. So is it his position that only Seye Abraha can deal with Eritreans?

20. Berhane Mewa
, TV executive. He is the general manager of the Virginia-based Ethiopian Television Network. Berhane is currently finalizing a plan to make the 24/7 TV network available to Ethiopians inside the country via satellite. If successful, ETN could be the first TV network that is owned and operated by Ethiopians. If the Woyanne dictatorship is afraid of the VOA and DW, wait until what an independent 24/7 TV network that can be accessed by any one with satellite dish in Ethiopia can do. ETN is an exciting and promising endeavor that needs to be supported by all Ethiopians who care about the future of their country.

21. Tamagne Benene, artist, TV show host. He has consistently for the past 17 years fought Woyanne’s effort to silence Ethiopian artists from speaking out against the regime’s injustice. When some popular artists wavered, Tamagne remained true to his beliefs and conscience. This earned him the love and admiration of Ethiopians around the world. Tamagne continues to be a strong voice for those Ethiopians who are silenced by the Meles dictatorship.

22. Obang O. Metho, human rights advocate. When Meles and gang are brought to face charges of crimes against humanity, the work done by Obang to document the genocide of Anuaks in western Ethiopia alone could result in conviction. Obang is a tireless human rights advocate who works day and night to expose to the international community the Woyanne regime’s crimes against the Anuak ethnic group and all other Ethiopians.

23. Liya Kebede, model, fashion designer, humanitarian. She is a supermodel who has graced the covers of many of the world’s top fashion magazines. Liya also runs her own children clothing line named ‘Lemlem’ and works with the United Nations on humanitarian missions.

24. Mesfin Woldemariam, political leader, scholar, human rights advocate, peace activist. Although he has lost some credibility after his recent uncalled for verbal attacks on armed freedom fighters, Professor Mesfin continues to be a strong voice against the Woyanne regime’s repression. He is currently a senior leader of Unity for Democracy and Justice (UDJ), and wields the strongest influence in the party.

25. Iyasu Alemayehu, political leader. He is a leader of the reactionary wing of the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Party (EPRP). Iyasu spends most of his time and effort as a leader of an opposition party fighting other opposition parties. He has helped or led the effort to cripple and even destroy some promising opposition alliances for no reason other than that he or his party was not in charge. Half of the EPRP leadership split last year after many in the top leadership of this highly secretive party became frustrated by lack of progress. The group that has emerged out of the split up calls itself EPRP-Democratic. After the split up, Iyasu’s influence, or potency to do harm, has been greatly diminished, but he continues to be in charge of most of EPRP’s assets that he uses to attack other opposition groups and leaders.

Ethiopia kicked out of World Cup

PARIS (AFP) — Ethiopia is kicked out of the World Cup by FIFA on Friday after the long-running power struggle within the game in the African nation failed to be resolved.

FIFA, the sport’s world governing body, said that all four matches played by Ethiopia to date in African zone Group 8, as well as the results of those matches, are now cancelled.

The group now comprises three teams – Morocco, Mauritania and Rwanda. Ethiopia had won two matches in the group and had garnered six points.

“The Bureau of the Organising Committee for the FIFA World Cup has decided to exclude the Ethiopian Football Federation (EFF) from the preliminary competition with immediate effect,” said a statement.

“The FIFA Emergency Committee suspended the EFF on 29 July 2008 due to the non-compliance of the EFF with the roadmap agreed in February 2008 by FIFA, the African Football Confederation (CAF) and the EFF in order to normalise the situation of the federation.”

Statement by Senators Feingold and Leahy on S. 3457

STATEMENTS ON INTRODUCED BILLS AND JOINT RESOLUTIONS

By Mr. FEINGOLD (for himself and Mr. LEAHY):

S. 3457. A bill to reaffirm United States objectives in Ethiopia and encourage critical democratic and humanitarian principles and practices, and for other purposes; to the Committee on Foreign Relations.

Mr. President, today I am pleased to introduce the Support for Democracy and Human Rights in Ethiopia Act of 2008. Senator LEAHY joins me as an original cosponsor. The purpose of this bill is to reaffirm policy objectives towards Ethiopia and encourage greater commitment to the underpinnings of a true democracy—an independent judiciary and the rule of law, respect for human and political rights, and an end to restrictions on the media and non-governmental organizations.

As many in this body know, I have spoken numerous times in recent months about the situation in Ethiopia and I continue to believe that the U.S.-Ethiopian partnership is very important—one of the more critical ones given not only our historic relationship but also Ethiopia’s location in an increasingly strategic region.

Ethiopia sits on the Horn of Africa—perhaps one of the roughest neighborhoods in the world, with Somalia a failed state and safe haven for terrorists, Eritrea an inaccessible authoritarian government that meddles across national borders, Sudan a genocidal regime, and Kenya still emerging from a profound electoral crisis.

One look at the deteriorating situation across the Horn and the importance of a robust relationship with Ethiopia is obvious. And, by contrast with some of its neighbors, Ethiopia appears relatively stable with a growing economy. But I am concerned about a number of anti-democratic actions in that country, particularly since this administration has largely overlooked them.

The security threats in Ethiopia are real but, unfortunately, the Bush administration’s approach to addressing these threats and strengthening this alliance remains short-sighted and narrow—focusing predominately on short-term ways to address insecurity while overlooking the need for long-term measures that are needed to achieve the same goal, such as desperately needed goverance reform, the rule of law, and increased accountability.

Genuine democratic progress in Ethiopia is essential if we are to have a healthy and positive bilateral relationship. It is also essential if we are going to successfully combat extremism, thereby bolstering our own national security here at home.

That is why today I am introducing the Support for Democracy and Human Rights in Ethiopia Act of 2008—because as our administration fails to balance our priorities in Ethiopia, or to adopt comprehensive strategies to achieve those priorities, we are watching significant backsliding in previously hard-won democratic gains.

As we turn a blind eye to the escalating political tensions, people are being thrown in jail without justification and non-government organizations are being restricted, while civilians are dying unnecessarily in the Ogaden region—just like so many before them in Oromiya, Amhara, and Gambella.

Furthermore, the Ethiopian military has come under increasing scrutiny for its conduct in the Ogaden as well as Somalia, with credible reports from non-governmental organizations of torture, rape and indiscriminate attacks. By providing unconditioned security assistance we are also sowing the seeds of insecurity and creating new grievances both in Ethiopia and in its neighboring countries.

I want to see greater progress—not less—in Ethiopia which is why this bill authorizes an additional $20 million for democracy and governance projects in Ethiopia. The addition of these funds would make it one of the top five countries on the continent receiving this kind of assistance from this U.S. Government.

This bill calls on the President to take additional steps to implement these programs but also requires that funds made available to the Ethiopian government be subject to regular congressional notification. This ensures U.S. taxpayer dollars are being used appropriately—and used to support a government taking steps to become more democratic, not less.

I make it a practice to pay for all bills I introduce, and the authorization in this bill is offset by a transfer of funds from NASA. Some may disagree with me on the need for an offset, but recent Office of Management and Budget projections confirm that we now have the biggest budget deficit in the history of our country.

We cannot afford to be fiscally irresponsible so we must make choices to ensure that our children and grandchildren do not bear the burden of our reckless spending. Instead of cutting specific programs, which are likely to have begun and thus would cost more to close, transferring $20 million from the general budget would allow appropriators to evaluate, at their discretion, how best to make this transfer.

I ask my colleagues to consider what our own State Department has said about the political situation in Ethiopia and then consider how best to rectify the situation.

The 2007 State Department Report on Human Rights notes that in Ethiopia the following occurred:

“limitation[s] on citizens’ right to change their government during the most recent elections; unlawful killings, and beating, abuse, and mistreatment of detainees and opposition supporters by security forces; poor prison conditions;

arbitrary arrest and detention, particularly of those suspected of sympathizing with or being members of the opposition or insurgent groups; detention of thousands without charge and lengthy pretrial detention; infringement on citizens’ privacy rights and frequent refusal to follow the law regarding search warrants;

use of excessive force by security services in an internal conflict and counter-insurgency operations; restrictions on freedom of the press; arrest, detention, and harassment of journalists for publishing articles critical of the government;

restrictions on freedom of assembly; limitations on freedom of association; violence and societal discrimination against women and abuse of children; female genital mutilation, FGM; exploitation of children for economic and sexual purposes;trafficking in persons; societal discrimination against persons with disabilities and religious and ethnic minorities; and government interference in union activities, including killing and harassment of union leaders.”

The continued failure of the administration to acknowledge this reality is emblematic of its insular thinking and unwillingness to see the big picture. Without a balanced policy that addresses both short and long-term concerns in Ethiopia we are putting ourselves at greater risk and making ourselves more vulnerable, not less.

Nina Ashenafi leads in Florida judge race

By Julian Pecquet • DEMOCRAT

TALLAHASSEE, FLORIDA — Nina Ashenafi, a daughter of the late distinguished Ethiopian musicologist Dr Ashenafi Kebede, appeared to edge out an experienced public defender in the race for Leon County Judge Seat 5 Tuesday.

With 87.2 percent of precincts reporting, Nina Ashenafi Richardson and Sean Desmond were defeating Leonard Holton and were set to face each other in the November general election.

Ashenafi Richardson, a well-connected young lawyer who is married to State Representative Curtis Richardson, almost won out of hand, with 48.46 percent of the vote. Desmond had 29.35 percent, Holton 22.19 percent.

Stephanie Cimmino, a political science student at Tallahassee Community College, said she’d heard Richardson promoting Ashenafi Richardson’s candidacy and liked what she heard about her community service.

“She sounds like the best candidate,” Cimmino said. “And she has done a lot for our community.”

Early Tuesday night, Ashenafi-Richardson said she was hoping to do well in south side precincts that hadn’t reported.

“I feel really honored, surrounded by my friends and supporters,” she said. “I was honored to be in the this race with two attorneys who are worthy adversaries.”

Sean Desmond, a former assistant state attorney and founding partner of a private firm, could not be reached immediately Tuesday night.

Holton, 59, a full-time trial attorney for 24 years, ran as the voice of experience. Big Bend attorneys who responded to a recent Tallahassee Bar Association poll judged him to be the most qualified of the three candidates in terms of judicial ability and judicial temperament, but he couldn’t turn those positive assessments into enough votes to make it to the run-off.

Source: Tallahassee.com

Tsehai Publishers’ Elias Wondimu completes S. Africa book tour

By Barry Bateman

Africa’s global knowledge production is a dismal three percent and there is limited academic literature available for Africans living abroad.

Tackling that problem is African Diaspora Foundation board member Elias Wondimu, who is a publisher with Tsehai Publishers.

The Ethiopian has spent the last few weeks in Botswana, Zambia and South Africa establishing ties with publishing houses and academic institutions to distribute African books in the US. “Africa’s knowledge contribution to the world is 3 percent, which is unacceptable.

“As Africans, we need to produce and fill the shelves of international libraries. We can’t sit down and wait for a miracle to happen; it our responsibility,” he said.

Wondimu said his publishing house was finalising a deal with the Africa Institute of South Africa to market their publication in the US. “We have also partnered with Unisa and have already published six books.

“Our flagship book is the Road to Democracy which chronicles the history of the Anti-Apartheid Movement in South Africa and the solidarity movement in the world,” he said.

He said his trip to the three countries was productive. “I met several publishers and had discussions to increase knowledge production to be consumed by internationals.”

He said they were in the process of signing a memorandum of understanding with the University of Botswana and they expect the first book to come from that agreement by the end of the year.

Wondimu said their biggest market in the United States were the libraries and academic institutions’ African studies departments. “There is a considerably large African immigrant population in the US.

“Unfortunately access to books about their own countries and nations is hard to get and we are trying to bridge that gap.

“Without knowledge production we will struggle to get to a situation where we (nations) understand each other – the playing field is not equal,” he said.

Wondimu said that in addition to these southern African countries, he has been asked by the University of Sierra Leone to assist with their press.

He said the university’s press had not printed anything in the last 30 years. “I was invited to help revamp that press.

“We are trying to foster relationships with different university presses to maintain the high rigour of academic standards.

“Future generations of this world have to better understand Africa. What the media portrays is not the true face of Africa.

“The stereotypical picture is what is being sold and we have to change that,” he said.

Source: IOL