“Rather than fixing African lack of infrastructure, Chinese entrepreneurs and Africa’s governing elites look as if they are conspiring to use the development model as a pretext for plunder.”
The Economist, August 13, 2011
“Ethiopia’s long-awaited democratization has stalled over the last half decade. Today, there are fewer constraints on the EPRDF’s power than at any other time in its 20-year rule.”
Freedom House: countries at the crossroads, 2011
Development models are never ideology and politics neutral. This is why free and fair elections matter. They give people options and choices. Because citizens have no choices, the well-entrenched minority ethnic elite have the audacity to claim that it won by 99.6 percent. This claim is possible because opposition parties are barred from competing and civil society is disabled. Ethiopian public enthusiasm during the 2005 elections was an indicator of alternatives in policies and programs offered by competing parties. It was an indicator of change. Going forward, the next election in 2015 can’t just be about political parties or groups or individuals or about going through the mechanical motions of periodic and staged elections. For that, one can be sure that Ethiopian citizens will be expected to go to the polls and vote whether the process is free, fair, open, transparent and competitive or not. Just imagine one living and working in Ethiopia and not turning out to vote. One knows the consequences. The choices are limited. It is a top down and prescriptive system characterized by fear. The public will assess the coming national election against what happened in 2005 and what new policies are offered this time.
In the aftermath of the 2005 elections, public trust and confidence in the electoral process are shattered. The democratization process has to be rebuilt from scratch. Evidence lies in the willingness and readiness of all parties, especially, officials of the ruling-party, to vow publicly and unconditionally that it will accept the rule of law and scrupulously recognize the rights of Ethiopian voters to cast their ballots in secret and without undue pressure or influence from any party. Both the ruling-party and the opposition camp must begin the healing process and restore mutual confidence and trust among the population now for this to happen. They must recognize that the election is not about the personalities who lead parties. Elections are about offering the Ethiopian people an institutional alternative to improve their lives. I predict that without public voice and participation, the current deplorable conditions in the economy will persist; and corruption will go on. This does not mean that there will not be growth.
The indicators to-date suggest that the governing party is nowhere closer to the demands of the population and opposition groups today than it was 8 years ago. It digs deeper and deeper into a garrison mentality and forces the entire society no other choice but to rebel against oppression and restore justice. Accordingly, opposition political parties and civic organizations need to get their act together now in order to lead and to avert potential chaos. The alternative they offer must be much more promising and compelling than the current governing party. In my estimation, this will not happen by chance. Offering alternatives to the public comes from an institutional process that guarantees the Ethiopian people the right to engage in and experience the true meaning of a free, fair open, transparent and competitive election. This will be the essence of political pluralism and a departure from the tradition of leftist politics and the current ethnic elite system. To start with, opponents have an obligation to the Ethiopian people and reach-out to one another and build confidence and trust among themselves.
Cynics argue that proposing such a notion in peaceful change is naïve. The system will not allow peaceful change. They feel that the prospects are dim, because political pluralism, the evolution of democratic institutions and a level playing field in the economy will undermine single-party political and economic dominance. This, they say, the TPLF/EPRDF will never allow. This point of view has credibility. Is it really appropriate to worry whether or not the ruling party allows free and fair elections? We know that it has not and will not. What should concern us is organizational and leadership weakness within the opposition camp. For example, with a few exceptions, opposition parties are led by traditional and unimaginative political actors. The country needs a new cadre of leaders with creativity, imagination and capacity and ability to innovate and tools. The society needs political organization and leadership that places the interests of the country and its entire people ahead of party and personality.
The society needs new and insightful leaders capable and willing to bury the past (without forgetting it) and move toward a future that accommodates everyone and leaves no one. The burden of proof that officials of the ruling-party and opposition groups are not afraid of change that will come from the Ethiopian people remains to be seen. It is their ability to dare to change that will determine the future and undo the current oppressive system. Calling the shots by using monies to buy elections and the media to propagate ideology won’t change the way citizens feel deeply about the ruling-party. Borrowing heavily from the banking system and from outside to carry-out growth without participation that will change the structure of the economy will not change the lives of the vast majority and stop the hemorrhaging of Ethiopia’s social capital. Once people rise to claim their future, there is no force that will stop them. We saw this in North Africa and we are witnessing it in the Middle East. This is why the opposition camp cannot afford to lag behind the needs and hopes of the population.
Political parties and leaders must believe that changes in attitude and mindset are possible. The recent change within one faction of the OLF is indicative a positive trend in the right direction. It is not enough. We all need to build on it. For example, what about Article 39 that keeps the country in permanent suspense? Some argue that ethnic politics play substantial roles in highly developed nations such as Canada and Belgium. These countries cannot be considered as peers. One cannot deny the fact that there is ethnicity and ethnic affinity of some sort. Both countries are, however, constitutional monarchies with parliamentary forms of government. First and foremost, a Canadian or Belgian accepts herself or himself as a national of the country, namely as Canadian or Belgian while enjoying cultural and linguistic freedom.
Continuing the fracturing political and social culture of blaming one another, refusing to dialogue with one another and demeaning one another will lead Ethiopian society nowhere. Perpetuating the same ideological path of ethno-nationalism and ethnic-federalism is a limiting model and strategy. Among other things, it will not advance broad-based, equitable and rapid growth and development. It lacks wisdom and farsightedness. It has proven to be disastrous for the vast majority of the Ethiopian people. It will restrain productivity and increased incomes for millions of people.
The reader would appreciate the potent socioeconomic and political arguments which would follow in assessing the reasons and conclusions as to why ethno-nationalism and ethnic federalism are lethal for Ethiopian society. Simply put, it is a strategy of divide and rule and is intended to maintain minority ethnic elite single party dominance. This is why Freedom House concluded that the democratization process is “stalled.” In my view, it closed. It is worth going back to and tracing its history and attributes and the reasons of why Michela Wrong, who wrote a riveting fact based analysis of ethnicity and corruption in Kenya, concluded that this ethnic elite governance is “toxic.” The question that I should like to probe is the extent to which there is direct co-relation between the current “monolithic party state,” the Economist’s contention of the Ethiopian developmental state as an instrument of “plunder” and ethnic-based rule.
During the 1970s–the rise of ethno-nationalism and wars of national liberation–buffeted through diplomatic and material globalization–cost Ethiopia and the Ethiopian people dearly. The country lost its traditional access to the Red Sea. While it is not tenable to argue that it does not have some fundamental democratic features–the right to use and enjoy one’s ethnic language and culture and to demand recognition of one’s history and so on–there are numerous political, administrative management, economic and social capital formation, domestic market and investment issues that are apparent and must be addressed openly and boldly for the benefit of all Ethiopians. Let me explain them in greater detail drawing from the experiences of other countries and insights from compatriots.
First, there is no doubt that ethnic federalism works against; and actually undermines national level social capital formation. The education system is deliberately narrow, parochial, shallow, and in terms of the challenges of this century, of low quality. I am not aware of a country that has achieved developed country status by adopting socialization process that is patently anti-country and anti-broad society. How in the world would Ethiopians compete in the 21st century with a human capital that is fear based, divisive and second rate? It is interesting to note that ethnic elites equip their children and others in the privileged camp through access to private schools and financing them to study overseas thus giving them the best education possible.
Second, by design the regime’s ethnic based social capital formation does not nurture or promote communication across ethnic and religious lines. In fact, it reinforces separate identity, world outlook, behaviors and tendencies. If this generation of Ethiopians is barred to communicate with one another naturally and as human beings–and more important as Ethiopian citizens–is it not possible that they will be strangers to one another in their own country? How would they trust one another when they grow up if they are taught that they come from “irreconcilable ethnic and religious groups?” How would they build a modern, democratic and just multiethnic society if they are encouraged to believe in separate ethnic identities? At a basic level, how would they tolerate one another? How would they contain emotions if the system breaks down? This is the reason for my thesis that ethnic federalism keeps the society in permanent suspense and undermines solidarity across manmade ethnic boundaries.
Third, ethnic federalism constrains the free flow of knowledge, experience and capital, including labor, across geopolitical, religious and ethnic lines. This is exactly the opposite of trends in other countries such as Ghana. Unrestrained communication and the sharing of knowledge and best practices are vital in modernizing the country and in giving each citizen an opportunity to succeed. Ethnic federalism based location is now a major barrier to opportunity compounding the criteria of loyalty to minority ethnic elite party.
Fourth, by design, Article 39 of the Constitution reinforces secession, civil wars and permanent suspense. When people see no other option in asserting their socioeconomic and political rights, they tend to resort to extremes, including the right to secede. Is it not strange then to find that the top leadership professes nationalism and national unity whenever it wishes and whenever this advances its narrow interests; but does the opposite in creating the conditions that will make national independence, territorial integrity and the unity of the population enduring. One of these conditions is free, fair and competitive election.
Following its defeat in the electoral process in 2005, the Prime Minister had the audacity to claim that the opposition intended to trigger ethnic genocide or Intrahamwe that claimed the lives of close to 20 percent of Rwanda’s population. It seems that the Prime Minister stretches facts in order to achieve an objective. The sad thing is that such a declaration is irresponsibility without accountability. The Ethiopian people have lived with one another for thousands of years. They have fought side by side and defended the country he now rules.
For the above reasons, I suggest that continuation of ethno-nationalism and ethnic-federalism as a geopolitical architecture to resolve internal ethnic differences has in fact created unintended consequences of potentially fracturing and dismantling the fabric of Ethiopian society. The country’s cohesiveness and accommodating the democratic aspirations of all its mosaic are vital for its survival, modernization and sustainability. Peace and national reconciliation will be impossible without political pluralism, justice, equitable access to opportunities, freedom and democracy for the country’s mosaic. Otherwise a competitive national private sector will not emerge and endemic poverty will not be removed. This is why a new win-win formula is imperative.
A shared understanding of the benefits which would come from commonalities becomes a driving principle for debate and dialogue. If there is no consensus about commonalities, vulnerabilities will emerge and the current system will endure. Economic and social integration across geographic and ethnic lines will not take roots. Vulnerabilities would deepen implying weaknesses in mobilizing the capabilities of all Ethiopians in order to preserve the country and move it forward. It cannot move forward without social justice and political freedom. It cannot move forward without all members of Ethiopian society having fair and equitable access to opportunities. Enclaves of ethnic and localized growth that benefit ethnic elites and their supporters do not offer the panacea to technological backwardness, hunger, hopelessness, unemployment, low incomes and poverty. Inclusiveness and laying favorable conditions for shared prosperity will do marvels for Ethiopian society and will reduce the thwarting roles of globalization. Why? Ethiopians will be masters of their natural resources and will be in a better position to chart their future. Together, they will be strong.
In November 2009, I attended part of a presentation on politics, repression, instability and the political economy of reform in Sub-Saharan African countries sponsored by the World Bank. A Ghanaian Political Scientist, Dr. Emmanuel Akwetey, made a remark which I found pertinent to the Ethiopian situation. His analysis was on the paradoxical links of democratic elections and instability. In highly ethnically polarized societies such as Ethiopia, this danger exists for sure. But, its intensity will depend on how issues will be framed and presented to the public by contestants in the future. “By accepting the liberal democratic model that we will have cyclical instability, we have accepted that elections should not emphasize our cohesion.” This is the key point of my argument.
If contestants do not surface and debate fundamental issues that affect all of the Ethiopian people and instead focus on narrow, ethnic-oriented and parochial and competing interests, tensions will mushroom and instability will ensue. Akwetey put it succinctly when he said “We need systems that consider cohesion after the election has been won.” Losers and winners must accept outcomes as long as the election process is free, fair, open, transparent and competitive. There must be the prospect of a next time. Elections are not like coup d’états. The ruling-party and some within the opposition, treat them as such. The hard work of building institutions and the infrastructure to support democratization is lost in the process. This is why ordinary Ethiopians mistrust their government and its institutions and have low confidence in the opposition. The opposition must surmount the confidence and trust deficit by reaching out to one another now not half a century from now.
When I underscored the need for Ethiopia’s social cohesiveness, I was referring to the country’s sovereignty, independence, territorial integrity and national interests as well as to the benefits which will accrue from the sovereignty and authority of the Ethiopian people and commonalities in the economic and social system. I suggest that the solution starts by identifying and agreeing on common problems with a view of finding common solutions. These commonalities refer to the interests and needs of all citizens. One common interest they share is the need to assault endemic poverty in all of its manifestations. Another is gross human rights violations. Another is the plunder of the resources by a minority ethnic elite and global actor. Cohesiveness within the opposition camp provides them with the numerical strength to challenge the system which keeps them poor, powerless, ineffective and isolated from one another. The immense untapped treasures embedded in each and every nationality, religious, gender and demographic group suggests prevalence of potential social, cultural and economic benefits that will make the society prosperous in the long-term. It is this prospect that should lead opponents to coalesce.
I say this because of the social capital inherent in each nationality group and in each democratic leaning opposition party and civil society. It is the sum total of these potential assets or parts that make the whole formidable. Exploitation of this potential to benefit all will make the society far more prosperous than separate enclaves. For this reason, I genuinely believe in social, cultural, economic and political equity and inclusion. Innovative organizations and leaders must recognize the value added of confidence and trust building that will lead to cooperation rather than rivalry. A mentality of exclusion is costly and limiting to the democratization process and to growth and development. Inclusion and social justice do the opposite. These capabilities can be harnessed to the fullest to the extent that all opponents are able to pull in the same direction. They cannot do this unless they trust one another; and work with one another.
Opponents need to grasp the notion that sustainable economic and equitable development comes from inclusiveness, a vibrant national private sector and access to equitable opportunities and investments. The same way that most experts urge and defend the potential benefits of opening up the political space; I would forward the notion that socioeconomic sustainability requires opening up or leveling the investment and economic space for all and each Ethiopian. Opening up the political and economic spaces are manifestations of pluralism and democracy. One reinforces the other. One can’t have political democracy unless it facilitates economic and social justice for all citizens. Opponents can and should reject ethnic politics, including ethnic federalism because they are major barriers to genuine democracy that should manifest itself in one person one vote. For Ethiopian society to succeed in achieving political pluralism, free and fair elections must be national not local or ethnic-based. I will draw an economic argument to strengthen this point.
The hunger problem is not a Tigre or Amhara or Afar or Somali or Oromo problem. The unemployment problem is not a Somali or Oromo or Afar or Amhara problem. The land grab problem is not an Oromia or Gambella problem. The social and institutional de-capitalization problem is not an Afar, Somali or Amhara problem. Ethiopian national unity is not a Tigray or Oromia or Amhara problem. It is an Ethiopian problem. This is why I suggest that unbridled access to economic and social opportunities is the right of all Ethiopians. Without this right, sustainable and equitable development will remain out of reach for the vast majority regardless of another five year plan with billions of dollars in investments. Why? Monopolistic and ethnic practices are, by definition, inequitable, unjust, unfair and limiting. Fair investment policies and practices trigger opportunities across geopolitical, ethnic and demographic lines. Ethnic-based policies and practices crowd out these possibilities. While there is overwhelming evidence that Tigrean elites build mansions in Mekele; it is not true that a Tigrean farmer or any other poor can expect to live in this new mansion. While he may not starve because of favorable treatment from an ethnic regime, this poor farmer cannot be identified as better off than an Amhara or Oromo or Gambella farmer and so on. We cannot afford to generalize and penalize whole ethnic groups because elites at the top dominate national politics and economics or institutions of control. I do not underestimate the symbolic importance associated with ethnic based dominance of national politics, though.
This is why I argued in the previous two articles on ethnic federalism that state capitalism—a form of crony capitalism in Ethiopia–is marvelous for a privileged few because it crowds out deserving individuals from competition. It is a source of destitution for the majority and those excluded. In 2010, Amare Mammo who worked for the Ministry of Agriculture under the TPLF and left dismayed offered a testimony concerning the gap in wellbeing between those in power and those who are disempowered. He contrasted two emerging classes in Ethiopian society today, a few largely minority ethnic rich amidst a majority poor. The prudent question to ask is how the few accessed enormous wealth over the past 21 years, while leaving the vast majority destitute and poor.
At both the political and economic levels, opening up the windows of opportunity would occur only when there is unrestricted and free public participation and engagements; and a level playing field for economic and social participation and investments. Involvement by all citizens in the political process assumes consensus concerning a unified and shared geopolitical and political space that comes from an identity with Ethiopia and Ethiopian citizenship. Ethnic identity does not nurture shared political power and shared prosperity. If there is no willingness to share political power, it is predictable that there will not be shared prosperity. Why? The political party that is in power determines policies, decisions, programs and allocation of resources. This control provides it with the means that defines who would have access and who does not; who is wealthy and eats more than three meals a day; and who is poor and has difficulty securing one meal a day. Ethnic politics is this much powerful and decisive.
It is this practical and life and death situation that compels all political and civil opponents and the rest of us to find practical ways to set aside differences and focus on commonalities and on common actions. We have overwhelming evidence that the minority ethnic elite party of the TPLF and its ethnic camouflage, the EPRDF has practically closed political, social and economic space for the vast majority. This does not mean that it has not succeeded in recruiting millions of members through economic and financial incentives. However, a mercantile approach to governing a country is not the same as gaining political legitimacy through free, fair and competitive elections. Opposition parties, civic groups, intellectuals and the rest of society can and must seize the opportunity offered by this shallow and corrupt architecture and challenge it intelligently, strategically, systematically and in a sustainable way by doing exactly the opposite of ethnic divide and rule.
What do I mean by this? Set aside minor behavioral differences; do not dwell on the past; reach out to one another; build mutual confidence and trust; develop a common platform; and anchor the struggle within the country now. It is when this happens that miracles would occur; and this miracle will come from the Ethiopian people themselves. The overwhelming majority of Ethiopians are tired of being poor, repressed, disenfranchised, powerless, propertyless and voiceless. What they need is a political organization and leadership that is committed to them: rule of law bound, genuinely democratic, bold, imaginative, inclusive, trustworthy and transformative.
“They gave the land and we took it. This is green gold.”
Karuturi on land grab in Gambella
“The government is killing our people through starvation and hunger…We are dying here with our children. Government workers get their salary, but we are just waiting to for death.”
An Anuak Elder to Human Rights Watch
Anyone who has read the latest Human Rights Watch investigative report on land grab (yemeret neteka ena kirimit) in Gambella under the title “Waiting for Death” should have no doubt that the governing party is callous and does not place value on human life. The people of Gambella who are being moved or relocated “forcibly” are citizens and humans who deserve fair treatment like any human being on this planet. It is their citizenship that is being robbed from them and from their children by repressive ethnic elite that has aligned itself with loyal domestic and foreign investors such as Saudi Star and Karuturi. Shouldn’t this latest report on social, economic, cultural, political and psychological violations of citizens in Gambella and other regions where similar occurrences are taking place enrage and mobilize us? If such violations do not lead to convergence, what would? My plea to the reader is this. Land and water resource transfers to domestic allies and foreign investors in the name of development that do not show immediate and long-term benefits to the people of Ethiopia, and especially to so called indigenous or local inhabitants and at an immense cost to citizens is a travesty. This, in itself, should compel us to close ranks and cooperate and collaborate for justice and freedom.
I want to start this commentary with a rationale of why I am doing a series on ethnic based political organization and governance—the current well-crafted geopolitical architecture of the TPLF/EPRDF. It seems to me that each and every one of us who believes in the enormous potential of our country of origin and its diverse population has a moral obligation to identify and articulate the reasons why Ethiopia is still one the five poorest countries in the world with a per capita income in 2011 of US$350 compared to the Sub-Saharan African average of US$1,070. As important, we are obligated to reflect on why and what type of change we would like to see in Ethiopia that will serve and benefit all Ethiopians left out by the so-called economic boom since the thwarted elections of 2005. I have suggested that if we want to see change, we must overcome minor differences, agree on a minimum agenda and deliver for the Ethiopian people. The time for action is now and not tomorrow. Eshie nege (yes tomorrow) will not advance the cause of peace, national reconciliation, justice and the rule of law and the sovereignty of the Ethiopian people. It will prolong the agony that ordinary Ethiopians face: hyperinflation, unemployment, human flight, human rights violations. In short, it will perpetuate disenfranchisement.
Those of us outside the country possess the knowledge, diversity of experience, financial and material resources and technical tools to advance change if we are committed, willing and ready. I am not at all convinced that we are there. If we were, we would have contributed immensely in advancing the process of change by supporting grassroots and home-based individual activists, civic organizations and political parties that advance a common national agenda and or force others to do the same. These series of articles are intended to provide conceptual underpinnings or reasons behind the current disenfranchisement and powerlessness felt by the majority of the Ethiopian people regardless of ethnic or religious affiliation, gender or age.
Powerlessness and resource mismanagement
Have you ever asked yourself or your friend or anyone why the TPLF/EPRDF led government gives away millions of hectares of the most fertile farmlands and waters basins for literally nothing and for up to 100 years to domestic allies and foreign investors? Have you ever posed for one second to reflect on the long-term implications of these national resource transfers for this and coming generations? If land is “green gold,” why would any government grant it for almost nothing as if it has no social, economic, psychological, security and political value? What system allows for this to occur and why? Let me summarize a few fact contained in my latest book, “The Great land giveaway: yemeret neteka ena kirimit” and link it to the ethnic elite architecture that allows this to happen without challenge. Why is there no challenge? It is because ordinary people are denied their fundamental right to vote for and elect their representatives and leaders.
In April 2011, the Reporter newspaper presented an investigative piece on land grab and validated that the Federal Government has slated, promised or granted “3,638, 415 ha” of the most fertile farmlands and water basins, primarily to foreign investors from 36 countries. The same article noted that regions had turned over another 2,000,000 ha of lands to the Federal Government to allocate as it sees fit. A break down by Ato Wudineh of the Reporter showed that 1,149,000 ha of these giveaways are in Beni-Shangul Gumuz and 1,800,000 ha in Gambella, among the poorest regions in the country. Experts estimate that by 2015, the amount of lands given away will reach at least 7,000,000 ha. Smallholders farm less than half an acre and support a family of at least 6 persons. Ethiopian smallholders are the backbone of the national economy. Studies show that 4/5 (75 percent) of smallholders manage to produce and feed the bulk of Ethiopia’s population from 12,000,000 ha. In other words, smallholders are the ones that feed millions; and not large foreign owned commercial farms. Imagine what smallholders could do if there was a deliberate policy to help them modernize their farms; if they had security to the lands they farm and so on. Karuturi of India and Saudi Star of Saudi Arabia and other Middle East sponsored countries are the lead beneficiaries of the largesse. This is why Karuturi calls Ethiopia’s fertile farmlands “Green gold.” Access to land defines power. In current Ethiopia, it firms such as Karuturi and Saudi Star and loyalists to the TPLF and its allies that have power.
Here, I will not dwell on the pros and cons of Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) in commercial farms in Ethiopia except to provide two examples showing that the policy is utterly flawed. First, the government argument that these transfers will generate substantial employment for Ethiopians does not hold. Research by the Oakland Institute, Grain and others shows that each ha of land grant or sale or lease generates 0.005 employments. It means that the government would have to grant millions of ha to generate employment opportunities for thousands. Making matters even worse, Karuturi wishes to bring in and employ Indians to farm Ethiopian lands. Second, the government’s rationale that giveaway—that lacks preconditions or favorable conditions for Ethiopia and the Ethiopian people will bring in new technologies is not based on facts. Here is the problem. The country’s domestic investors with monies are doing everything within their power to take their capital out of the country as do officials with money. The indicator is massive illicit outflow that I have discussed in detail in earlier commentaries.
Why is there massive capital outflow from one of the poorest and capital starved or deficient countries in the world? I suggest that national investors do not trust their own government. They do not have confidence in the future. They are essentially voting with their monies against the regime. In other words, they do not trust or have confidence in the future of the economy. If they did, they will invest domestically and boost employment and productivity. On the other hand, large-scale commercial farming for Karuturi, Saudi Star and others is lucrative. Profits can me made relatively quickly and proceeds taken out of the country. Foreign investors have little incentive to spread technology, modern management practices and know-how to Ethiopian smallholders or the domestic private sector. Why would they create national competitors when they can dominate the large commercial farming sector for up to 99 years? Capitalism does not work that way whether it comes from China, India or Saudi Arabia. Third, the government argument that Ethiopia will achieve food self-sufficiency and food security through FDI is not borne by facts. Karuturi said over and over again that his firm is under no obligation to set aside sizeable quantities of the produce for the domestic market. This will not change unless the government changes the conditions in favor of the country and its starving millions.
These three examples lead me to pose a question to the reader. How is it possible for these flaws in government policy that undermine potential ownership of the means of production by Ethiopians and national productivity for Ethiopians to occur? Let us ignore my own research and findings that are documented in my latest book and look at what foreign observers say how this happens. In her “The Great land grab,” Rene Lefort highlights the following themes on the subject.
• Land defines citizenship
• Land is a source of power, wealth and corruption
• Land is used as a diplomatic leverage
These are among the reasons why the TPLF/EPRDF led government is the “world’s champion of land grab.” Have you ever wondered how a regime that claims to adhere to Revolutionary Democracy becomes a prime champion of unfettered capitalism? Have you ever wondered why a government leadership that accuses the private sector of rent seeking behaviors becomes the largest rent seeker in the country’s history or of any forward looking government in the 21st century? “They gave the land and we took it. This is green gold” did not happen by chance. It happened by invitation. Political elite does not invite a foreign guest to take away prime property without a motive. Here is one irony the reader needs to consider.
Today, the state or shall I say, the governing party is the dominant land lord in the country. Recent changes in urban land legislation indicate that the leadership is determined to alienate Ethiopians from private ownership of wealth and wealth making assets such as urban and rural lands. It does this while granting millions of ha to domestic allies and foreign investors.
These transfers and ownerships are effective forms of privatization for a selected few; and deprivation for the vast majority of Ethiopians. This is why Lefort argues that land “defines citizenship and is a source of power and wealth.” She explains rightly that the reason why land grab is so easy in Ethiopia is because of the preponderance of the TPLF ethnic core elite over politics and economics. “Ethiopia is de facto ruled by a “monolithic party-state.” This “monolithic party-state” is the TPLF core ethnic elite. It is these elite that make land farm colonization by invitation possible and doable. Land is the single most important source of political, financial and economic power in Ethiopia today. “Most of what was left over (after graft, corruption and giveaway) has been pocketed by little oligarchy under the protection of the merged party state.” This “oligarchy” is now pronounced and pervasive throughout the country, consuming billions of birr in administrative expenses through the Federal system.
Alarmed by the dispossession of Ethiopians, an Indian Economist told Al Jazeera that “foreigners have more power than Ethiopians” in their own home country. Ordinary Ethiopians are both “powerless” in terms of policy and decision making; and are helpless in terms of access to economic and social opportunities. Power has shifted dramatically to both ethnic elites and to firms such as such as Karuturi and Saudi Star.
I suggest then that the ethnic based political and administrative system that divides and pities Ethiopians among one another facilitates these national resource transfers with unprecedented ease; to powerlessness; and to the transfer and ownership of other pillars of the economy by small ethnic elite and foreign investors. In the 21st century, Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) does not operate by itself. It requires the support and protection of government officials. The reader would have to question the tiny ethnic elite that rule the country by force whether it has an appreciation of the long-term implications of these giveaways that emanate from poor, repressive and discriminatory governance. What is clear to me and many detached foreign and domestic observers is this.
By any definition, governance under “monolithic” ethnic elite is exclusionary in its political, social and economic manifestations. The TPLF has virtually merged party, state ethnicity into one. Its economic policies and programs lean toward monopolistic practices and group and individual interests with affinity to the ruling-party.
As a result, this type of governance has prevented and will continue to impede fair and democratic competition. In assessing ethno-nationalism and the alliances that helped it to succeed, the ruling party’s current cohort of non-Tigrean elite and foreign supporters may not care deeply enough to leverage their considerable financial, material and diplomatic powers to break monopolistic practices. It is largely stability they want. This is especially true for foreign governments and investors.
The reality of existing strong relations between the leadership of the ruling party and its cohort of global supporters has placed the burden of peaceful change toward pluralist politics and genuine devolution or decentralization of power to civil society, communities, ordinary Ethiopians, domestic opposition groups and the Ethiopian people a whole. Those of us outside the country can do a great deal to build the capacities of these grassroots groups within the country. In the long-term, the nurturing and strengthening of a pluralist, inclusive and indigenous political culture could only come from the experiences and contributions of the Ethiopian people and their supporters. This view is hardened by the fact that, ethno-nationalism and ethnic federalism have survived for 21 years with no end in sight leaving no room for being lax in pursuing multiethnic and unified politics.
Despite this need for convergence among opponents to the regime, there are still two opposing and contrasting schools of thought: those who do not see much hope in peaceful change argue that the only option the ruling-party understands is armed struggle or violent change; and the second school that argues that peaceful and nationwide struggle has not been explored, developed and used fully. I believe in the latter; but see the merit of why some argue and defend the former. They key is to arrive at a shared understanding of the problem; come up with a national agenda for change; and initiate actions.
Simultaneously, those of us on the outside can do much more than we are doing on the diplomatic front.
Almost all foreign development experts agree that Ethiopia needs structural and policy reforms if it wishes to accelerate economic productivity, increase employment and incomes and reduce poverty. None that I am aware of suggests that Ethiopian can advance its reform agenda through continued civil unrest, polarization, dissension and civil wars. Experts believe that the non-peaceful route to policy and structural reforms will be a costly option in multiple ways. One does not have to dwell on the subject and contribute to the tradition of quarreling elites.
Ethiopians do not deserve continued repression and violation of human rights. The country paid a heavy price in its development efforts as consequences of civil turmoil, insurgencies, terrorism, instability, civil wars and bad governance. The notion of continued conflicts to achieve a democratic transition is debatable at best and reckless at worst. So is continuation of the status quo under a single ethnic-based minority ruling party? Conflicts are not likely to create a democratization culture and the infrastructure that will accommodate competing interests. The option ignores vested interests that have emerged over the past two decades, including members of the TPLF/EPRDF. Ethnic elites allied to the EPRDF have a vested interest in the status quo. They must be persuaded that the current system is not in their best interest long-term. We must reach out to them and suggest that “gursha” or whatever is left over is not the same as the real thing. More critical, we must show that the people they represent are left out of the development process. Leaving them out is trouble.
There is a further point the reader should keep in mind. Conflicts and instability are enormously costly. I will provide one example of using the depletion of human capital as a consequence of ethnic and other forms of conflict in Africa to strengthen the deliberate de-institutionalization by the TPLF core argument I advanced in my latest book. During what is called the era of Dictatorship of all sorts in Africa and the “Lost Decade of the 1980s,” more than 100,000 of the most talented and well trained Africans left their countries and immigrated. Some countries have not recovered from the social capital loss. Ethiopia’s Diaspora started during the Socialist Dictatorship and expanded under the TPLF/EPRDF dictatorship. Today, this dictatorship sees the Diaspora is a potential threat and opportunity. It has a well crafter program to de-mobilize the Diaspora, penetrating faith groups, enticing some to invest in a country full of corruption, nepotism and bureaucratic hurdles where merit and hard work do not count.
In sum, ethnic based governance and conflicts are enormously costly for the country and its people. Continued conflict will not nurture peace and national reconciliation in the medium and long-term. On the contrary, conflicts and ethnic polarization will perpetuate animosities and ethnic based hatreds that the society cannot afford. Conflicts will also strengthen the determination of the ruling-party to prolong a single party state and will make the country more and more vulnerable to external threats. It will keep the country poor.
The question then is whether or not the ruling-party has shown any willingness and readiness to move forward with free, fair, open, transparent and competitive elections and gain the confidence and trust of the Ethiopian people. If one believes in option one–a peaceful election is possible–one needs to assess the preconditions for success. One would also need to define what the election will be about. Elections are not simply about going through the motion of the ballot box and winning. It is about building the infrastructure and institutions that will make the Ethiopian people masters of their own destiny. To have real meaning, any election must allow debate and discussion on fundamental policy concerns, including the type of federalism the country needs. The future must result in real change in culture and attitudes. Here is why opponents need to collaborate much more now than in the past; and leave aside the bitterness and quarrel that be devils them.
I am not aware of the ruling-party’s readiness to allow public debate of policies. Even if it does not, the democratization process must continue and political leaders and supporters must find innovative tools to strengthen institutionalization. Debates and other instruments must debunk the myth that ethnic-federalism is pluralist or democratic. When Ethiopian citizens see democratic alternatives, as was the case in the 2005 elections, they will respond and take charge. This will put the ruling-party on the defensive. The more defensive it is the better for the democratization process. This requires a new and post ethnicity cadre of political and social leaders who believe in a unified and democratic Ethiopia that will accommodate everyone’s interest. Ethiopian centrality will not survive without accommodating the hopes and aspirations of all its diverse citizens. It is political wisdom 101 to accept this notion. A bunker mentality on any side will not help the country. It is being clueless to timeless wisdoms such as one from Charles Darwin who had said, “It is not the strongest of the species that survive, or the most intelligent, but the one most responsive to change.” Political wisdom is readiness and willingness to change. It is political parties and leaders who respond to new requirements and changes who will make a difference.
In Part Six (d) of this last of thirteen commentaries and viewpoints, I suggested that the cry of the young woman at a large meeting of Ethiopian domestic workers in the Middle with a TPLF/EPRDF delegation is a watershed event to which we all need to respond in a purposeful, coordinated and sustained manner. I continue to be struck by the question she posed not only to TPLF/EPRDF officials who were there to solicit monies; but to the rest of us as well. This question is, “Where is the Ethiopian flag?” A country’s flag is not just a piece of cloth as claimed by the Ethiopian Prime Minister. It represents the country’s history, national independence and territorial integrity and the unity in diversity of its population and the aspirations of its youth. It also shows the potential of Ethiopia’s females in asserting their rights. The minority ethnic elite that sponsored the secession of Eritrea actively, and made the country land locked; gave its lands to the Sudanese government through secret deals; and that incorporated Article 39 into its Constitution is wedded to a colonial type of divide and rule policy. Unfortunately, numerous ethnic based political elites subscribe to this divide and rule philosophy that works against the interests of the people they contend to represent. The recent declaration of one faction of the Oromo Liberation Front rejecting secession and calling for unity to advance the democratization process is a substantial omen in the right direction.
Whether one accepts it or not, the reality on the ground is this. Ethnic-based political formation and leadership is designed to undermine individual democratic rights, the sovereignty of the Ethiopian people as a whole, and the unity of the country. There is substantial evidence that shows that the system of divide and rule operates effectively thorough the merger of state, party and ethnicity. The most visible and direct material manifestation of this merger is the capture and rental form of extraction of national resources through foreign aid, banking and finance, urban and rural lands, trade and the rest. One needs to ask who benefits the most from the concentration of policy and decision making power in the country today. In light of this reality, the fundamental rights and accesses to opportunities for most Ethiopians are not recognized let alone realized. If a governing system does not recognize the country as indivisible and one; and the population as worthy of fair treatment and of equitable access to opportunities, the symbolic power of the flag as a unifier and equalizer is further diminished in all walks of life.
As critical, ethnic orientation and organization of political elites in the opposition camp within and outside the country reinforce this divide and rule strategy in political and economic management to the detriment of the population these elites pretend to represent. The loud cry from the young Ethiopian female who demanded service from her government is unlikely to receive positive response from officials. The defense of human rights expressed as individual rights is not within their value system. If the government violates human, economic and social rights within the country, it is a certainty that it will not defend the rights of Ethiopians anywhere in the world. It is only after their resources. This is why Ethiopia’s future and the future of its diverse population will depend on politics beyond ethnicity. There are things we can do to mitigate the ongoing damage emanating from ethnic politics.
We can advance social formation in the right direction beyond ethnicity if we set aside our differences and focus on two critical drivers of the democratic cause: the future of Ethiopia and the welfare and democratic rights of the Ethiopian people as a whole. The young woman questioned the legitimacy of a regime that cares less for its people; but has the audacity to send delegations around the globe to mobilize foreign exchange from the Diaspora. At the root of the question posed by this brave female is the contradiction between a ruling party leadership at the top that does not defend or protect the human rights of Ethiopians abroad; but dares to persuade them to buy government bonds and to invest in a country where there is no level playing. The opposite is true. The governing party that has been in power for almost 21 years runs one of the un-freest economies and most ethnic-oriented political systems in the world. If it denies fundamental freedoms and rights at home; it is unlikely to stand on the side of Ethiopians regardless of their ethnic, religious and or gender affiliation. An ethnicized system is always a discriminatory and exclusionary system. People need to wake up to the reality that socioeconomic and political systems that are based on ethnic governance produce societies full of cronyism, corruption, illicit outflow, income and social inequity and uneven development. These facts are well researched and documented by world renowned economists such as Paul Collier and Bill Easterly (Paul Collier and Nicholas Sambanis in Understanding Civil War and Bill Easterly in the White Man’s Burden, among others). For a thorough analysis of merger of state, party and ethnicity and its corrupting role, read my 2010 book, Waves, which devotes several chapters on the subject.
For the young woman and the rest of us who believe in Ethiopia and the Ethiopian people, the Ethiopian flag represents our individual and collective identity. Diplomatic missions show this flag because it represents the country and its people. However, it is clear that Ethiopia’s diplomatic missions are now totally subjected to serving a minority ethnic party rather than the entire population and the country’s vital interests. These missions are as politicized as education and urban and rural lands. They have become the exclusive property of the ruling party and propagate and do what it says. One of the vital interests of any country and diplomatic missions that represents it is to stand for and defend the fundamental human rights of Ethiopian citizens wherever they are; and whenever they are abused and degraded. The government of the Philippines does that in the Middle East; as do others. A government that is unrepresentative at home cannot be representative abroad. Diplomatic representation is a mirror of domestic politics and power. Shouldn’t this incident in the Middle East brought to us by an insightful young woman, and similar incidents within the country and abroad that are cited numerous times in this series compel us to cooperate and collaborate? My answer is an unequivocally yes.
Our diversity is our strength; so is our unity
Ethiopia needs political and socioeconomic governance that meets the hopes, aspirations and needs of all its citizens. All representations ought to reflect the diversity of its people; none should be left out. The governing party uses our diversity to divide us. Many foreign observers are often amazed by the vastness and diversity of talent of the Ethiopian immigrant population everywhere on this planet. This globalized talent pool has a wealth of expertise to staff and lead countries. It has played a pivotal role in ensuring that Ethiopia and or the identity of being Ethiopian in not a mirage. In her and or his own way, each person contributes that it lives on. This is significant and cannot be understated. At the same time, it has not translated itself into a cohesive community of people and into a formidable global social force. This globalized Ethiopian identity and the talent embedded is certainly large and rich enough to meet Ethiopia’s demands. It possesses the potential to transform the country into an inclusive, humane, fair, democratic and prosperous society. Equally, observers are baffled by the dysfunction manifested within this community of talent. Despite its enormous potential to leverage itself by—raising monies, synergizing its expertise and knowledge to influence public policy and global public opinion, providing communication tools to those who struggle for a better society at home, building its own and the capacities of others, mentoring, coaching and guiding a new generation of social activists at home and abroad and promoting and nurturing social and community cohesion–a great deal of time, energy and money is spent gauging, assessing, monitoring and second guessing one another’s motives and promoting hidden agendas. The minority ethnic governing party uses this dysfunction to prolong its life and to extract more wealth for its core and for its allies. It is hard for many foreign observers and to some of us to think that divisions extend even to institutions of worship. Many fail to see that our divisions minimize our cohesion and effectiveness by the widest margin possible.
There are substantial behavioral tendencies that prevent us from using our substantial size and hidden potential to contribute much more than we have in the past. We need the determination, will and discipline to respond to the cry and demand of the young woman and to millions of others like her within the country. Clearly, the minority ethnic-party led government in power lacks legitimacy, commitment to all of the Ethiopian people, and the will to accept the sovereignty of the Ethiopian people. By design, it cannot give priority to Ethiopia and to the welfare of the Ethiopian people as a whole. It is therefore hard for anyone who is fair minded to accept the notion that it will reform itself. It has not for almost 21 years and shows the opposite tendencies. The rest of us need to appreciate this reality and focus on at least two critical common causes: the long term DURABILITY and unity with diversity of the country; and the welfare and democratic right of each individual within Ethiopia’s varied population. Here is the problem in a nutshell. We continue to think as members of ethnic groups rather than as Ethiopians. This is the trap imposed on us by the minority ethnic elite in power. It pretends to stand for the liberation of all ethnic groups while vesting policy and decision making authority in a small band of Tigrean elites and allied beneficiaries. How do we help it? We operate in silos. This silo mentality strengthens the governing party. As a result, we continue to diminish our ability to influence events both abroad and within the country. This is why the global community does not take us seriously. However and, if there is will, we can resolve this impasse. We cannot allow making unity among Ethiopians illusive because of our behaviors, attitudes, cynicism and actions. What do I propose?
11. Let us approach a diverse group of Ethiopians, with the highest level of integrity and neutrality; trusted by the global Ethiopian community; and with capabilities to diagnose the problems we face
It does not matter who takes the initiative on the above. People who care about the country and its diverse population must conduct soul searching and carryout candid conversation that will lead to a road map. It is important though to recognize that ethnic political formation and organization and our division are now the principal causes for the longevity of the TPLF/EPRDF regime. At minimum, we have a collective moral responsibility to fill a social gap in civil society that is broken. None of us can deny–whether we identify with a civic or political organization or something else–that the following ingredients for cooperation and collaboration are missing: trust, honesty, integrity, neutrality, a sense of common purpose as well as confidence in one another. These missing values are so critical to transformation that they need thorough analysis by a trusted and competent group that stands for the country and its diverse population as a whole.
The process in the formation of this diverse group to diagnose the problem and produce a viable and doable framework (road map) going forward must itself show democratic content. It cannot just be top down. I should like to offer a preliminary thought in this direction. Given the diversity and global nature of the Ethiopian talent pool—as foreign based stakeholders—and in light of the need to focus on critical issues common to all; and the criticality of focusing on the country and its diverse population, I suggest a process that is solidly community and grassroots based. Folks need to do this as a project with outcomes and measurements. The variety of civic groups across the globe implies that it would be best and viable to involve these groups to work toward cooperation and solidarity at a country level: for example, the USA, Canada, the UK, Germany and so on. In turn, these grassroots groups may want to consider establishing themselves at continental or regional levels, for example, North America, Europe, and Africa and so on. Representatives of these continental and or regional groups would then nominate a global Ethiopian steering or leadership group. Such formation would have a better chance of success than a top down process. Why? It strengthens sustainable ownership and accountability.
It seems to me that the diagnosis phase should focus on behaviors, values and attitudes that deter social networking and cooperation on a few critical issues that the country and the population face and need today. Why are the behavioral problems so prevalent? Why is such a potentially potent group of talent that stretches across the globe incapable of creating and sustaining a social force that will stand up for Ethiopia and for the Ethiopian people? It is these types of questions that the suggested global Ethiopian task team above should address first; and communicate to the larger community of Ethiopians. In my estimation, 90 percent of the problem resides in not recognizing, and in fact, in perpetuating self-made behavioral problems that deter cooperation and collaboration on what is important to Ethiopia and to the Ethiopian people. We can do these without being personal. We can focus on issues and not persons.
12. Let us provide sustainable and effective support to national leaning political parties and civil societies in Ethiopia
Ethiopia’s current problem centers on minority ethnic political and economic capture. Sad but true; It is the Ethiopian people who bear the burden of this oppressive governance. I am aware that the vast majority of the Ethiopian people do not subscribe to the man-made, divisive and retarding political formulation of irreconcilability of ethnic and religious groups. This formula has been designed by external powers and used by internal ethnic elites to keep the Ethiopian people in permanent suspense of hatred, mutual suspicion, mistrust, antagonism and control. The so called “Abyssinian colonial rule” for which millions paid with their lives is at the heart of this strategy of suspense and plunders by minority ethnic elites and foreign and domestic allies. The Amhara and Oromo population constitutes the largest mass of the Ethiopian population. By any definition, this mathematical or numeric strength alone should work against ethnic minority rule. It is division that makes political superiority of determined minority elite at the top of the policy and decision making pyramid possible. The two groups along with others including Tigrean nationals have made enormous contributions to the formation and durability of Ethiopia as a diverse and independent multiethnic and multi-religion state. The vast influence and integrating role of the Oromo population in the formation, civilization and defense of Ethiopia is well recorded and cannot be denied by any observer. Ethnic political elites cannot turn this remarkable history upside down and conclude that–this immense social force with substantial spread across Ethiopia—is not part and parcel of the country and its rich population. The recent decision by one faction of the Oromo Liberation Front rejecting ethnic division and secession is a most welcome development. It advances the causes of Ethiopian unity and diversity; and accelerates the democratization process.
Fortunately for the country and its diverse population, ordinary Ethiopians mirror their commonalities more than elites. They show genuine and consistent commitment to the democratic unity of the country and the sovereignty of its people. They know that the emergence of a new, democratic and prosperous Ethiopia in which all stake holders will enjoy civil liberties and equitable accesses to social and economic opportunities, will depend on their unfettered engagement and participation. Indications are that the foundation for people-centered and peaceful revolt against oppression and for political pluralism is prevalent throughout the country. It seems to me that those of us who live in countries of freedom should advance the democratic cause for which thousands are dying, persecuted, jailed and harassed by doing something relatively simple and cost free. By this, I mean, let us not dwell on past mistakes among opponents of the regime. Instead, let us embrace the notion of forgiving one another, without forgetting gross and strategic mistakes from which each of us can learn. I am not naïve to believe that there are no sinister, self-serving and selfish individuals, groups and governments that are inimical to our country’s long-term interests and to the unity and prosperity of its people. If we stand together and serve the common purpose, we can isolate these forces and overcome the obstacles they throw at us. Given this, I suggest that the road ahead is much more important than the road travelled. The elite culture of mutual suspicion, innuendo and personal attacks of one another will not advance cooperation or democracy. Solidarity comes from recognition of mutual interests, respect, trust and confidence in one another; and more important, confidence in the Ethiopian people. They are the ones who will shape the future.
For this reason, I am convinced that the battle for Ethiopia’s future is being waged and will be waged within the country. Equally, I am persuaded that ethnic-based political parties will not address the fundamental problems of the country. On the contrary, I have taken the position throughout my adult life (principally through the World-Wide Ethiopian Student Movement) that ethnic politics will lead to unintended and catastrophic consequences. This is now self-evident today. Evidence shows that ethnic elites at the top help themselves by extracting enormous resources for themselves, their families and their friends. At the same time, they give the impression that they stand for the poor and marginalized. The economic and social gaps tell us an entirely different story. Accordingly, it is fair to ask ‘Where are regional and local ethnic elites when the lands and waters on which families and communities rely for survival are given away to domestic allies and foreign investors? ‘These are echoed by people in Beni-Shangul Gumuz, Oromia, and Gambella and elsewhere where land grabs are prominent.
In light of this, the hearts and minds of the vast majority of the population are not with the ruling party and its ethnic based affiliates. Less than 21 percent of the voting age population shows trust and confidence in their government and its institutions. Why is this? It is because the vast majority of the population knows that TPLF/EPRDF restricts, and in fact, bars public participation in policy and decision making in all areas of life. Civil society is not in a position to express its voice, to monitor and supervise resource management, and to make government officials accountable. The poor are getting poorer. Citizens are almost resigned to a dysfunctional government that governs through fear rather than through commitment, competence and public service. They cannot expect basic services let alone a chance to prosper. The famous World Bank Safety Net program that was supposed to aid the poor reaches only those that support the governing party. It is a fact that one sixth of Ethiopians depend on a program that does not free them from dependency. At least five million Ethiopians depend on remittances. Wherever one looks, economic and social management is marred by abuse, corruption and incompetence. Administrative services are offered as a matter of privilege and not right. Everyone in official capacity wants a cut and so on. Corruption and illicit outflow are rampant.
In a recent commentary in Addis Fortune (December 19, 2011) former Member of Parliament, Ato Temesgen Zewdie, put administrative dysfunction and ineptitude succinctly. “Too many laws suffocate the public and businesses. If good governance is not providing good services to the public, can it really be called good governance?” One is struck by slippages in every indicator. “No doubt that the future is even bleaker, given the current bureaucratic bottleneck that has pushed the cost of doing business in the country to unimaginable levels for businessmen” and for the rest of the society. It is not just the cost of doing business that has gone haywire; it is also the cost of living. Food self-sufficiency is a prime example. The governing party literally gave up Agriculture Development-led Industrialization in favor of Foreign Direct Investment in commercial agriculture because this strategy did not deliver. Its substitute is FDI in large-scale commercial farming that uproots hundreds thousands from their lands and undermines domestic comparative advantage that resides with improvements in Ethiopian smallholder farming and the domestic private sector. These and other anomalies are discussed thoroughly in my new book, Yemeret neteka ena kirimit (the Great Land Giveaway).
How does the governing party react to this conclusion? The same way it reacts to everything else. It compares to and distinguishes itself from the warlike economy under the socialist dictatorship and to the feudal-capitalist Imperial era but never to its current peers such as Botswana, Ghana, Mauritius or Vietnam. Unfortunately, its diplomatic backers and the donor community reinforce the perception that things are better than before. They do not see anything wrong with hundreds of thousands who forage garbage dumps to find food; hundreds of thousands who purchase bites (gursha) to feed themselves from restaurant left over food. Donors equate growth with improvement in the welfare of the population. They ignore the distributional and equity aspects of this growth and the concentration of incomes and assets in a few hands. They do not say much about the pandemic of corruption that results in massive illicit outflow of funds from the one of the poorest and aid dependent countries in the world, with a per capita income of US$360.
For the above and other reasons that the world ignores to the detriment of the vast majority of the Ethiopian people, an informed and empowered and country based civil society is the single most critical source of challenge to repressive and corrupt governance. It is virtually impossible to create a country based civic culture as long as the political system is ethnic based and or oriented. Ethnic based political parties and cultures entail substantial risks for the vast majority of the population. Among other things, such organization and leadership deters, and often, undermines the formation of national leaning organization of any type—whether within or outside the country. The invisible hands that inflict a toll on the global community of Ethiopians and people of Ethiopian origin are manifestations of this invisible danger. This is why I have consistently defended the notion that rejection of ethnic-based political formation and defended the embrace of national political formation that draws heavily from the country’s diverse population as the only sensible and promising route to go. Otherwise, the TPLF/EPRDF will continue, in its own words, “to win” every election and to extract more resources.
Opposition political parties and civil societies within and outside the country that combine forces and advance public engagement and participation as Ethiopians and people of Ethiopian origin are more likely to undermine the ethnic elite system in the long-run than those that fight one another perpetually or that continue as extensions of ethnic-based political parties. The literature is replete with the pitfalls of ethnic political formation, organization and leadership. When and if political and civic movements reject ethnic based formation and embrace national based formation, they will win. Eventually, they will shift power from elites to the sovereignty of ordinary men and women. Now is the time to do it.
Those of us in the Diaspora must put our monies, knowledge, technical know-how and diplomatic leverage where these will add value in the home front and in the formation of national political groups and advance civil society organizations. While I am not prepared to provide detailed plans in this venue, the opportunities are out there and opposition groups, individual activists and the rest of us must mobilize resources and transfer them to the home front to those that are ready and willing to break ethnic politics and embrace a national political culture in coordinated and sustainable ways. We can do this to the extent that we set aside the elite invented political and social culture of ethnic divide, hate, acrimony, bitterness and division aside; and focus on the bigger picture of emboldening and empowering the Ethiopian people to be masters of their own destiny. It is then that the global community would begin to respect opponents as credible. We owe it to the Ethiopian people that we defend their rights in every way possible and work cooperatively and collaboratively.
13. Let us persuade all opposition and civic groups outside the country to convene a global all inclusive conference, and come up with a road map in support of the home front
If there is one thing the majority in the Diaspora and the people of Ethiopia detest and reject, it is political brinkmanship, silos, power mongering, opportunism, egos and self-aggrandizement/centeredness and hypocrisy. Fragmentation, narrow group think, personality cults, arrogance, hidden agendas, one group trying to undermine the other and so on will not advance the common cause and or respond to the urgent causes of the Ethiopian people and especially Ethiopia’s youth. This social group is in desperate need of model leadership and guidance from the vast human capital that resides outside the country. It is ordinary Ethiopians at home who die for human, social and economic rights and freedoms. The rest of us can at least stand on their side. For this reason, I suggest that fragmentation must give way to cooperation, collaboration and solidarity in 2012.
In light of the adverse effects of fragmentation that emanates from ethnic, religious and rigid ideological outlooks and hidden agendas, it is reasonable to call on activist youth and civic groups to push for two sets of global conferences: one, consisting of only civic groups and well known community, spiritual and intellectual leaders that will discuss and agree on a shared definition of the problem Ethiopia faces; and to recommend a set of solutions going forward. Second, this civic group should then empower itself to call on all political parties–ideally, those within and outside the country and if not, those outside the country–to convene a global and all inclusive meeting on peace, national reconciliation and a democratic framework or future for the country. This conference should, in my view, invite international observers and extend the same to representatives of the governing party. Youth and women must feature prominent in both conferences. A civil democratic movement cannot be material with half the population (females) left out from the discourse. Those who presented their case vocally on the plight of domestic workers in the Middle East while revealing the lead causes that drove them there in the first place attest to the importance of inclusion of females and youth. This proposal may be taken up by the group identified earlier in section 11 above.
14. Let us resolve to institutionalize a strong global outreach program
As highlighted, the Diaspora possesses enormous intellectual, technical, professional and financial capital that it can deploy across the globe and make all of the above recommendations material and meaningful. At minimum, those of us abroad can leverage our collective resources to take the diplomatic offensive. I have little doubt that: if there is will and determination to serve the country and its diverse population; and if there is the discipline to build capacity at all levels and transfer this into the country, change is inevitable. The external would serve as a pivotal force in influencing the internal. No matter the number of isolated and scattered organizations and activities and no matter how hard individuals work, support to the change process in the country will not translate into results unless there is cooperation on a few common themes. One of these is to establish and implement a strong global outreach program to influence donors, NGOs, institutions of worship, foundations, and key governments that provide financial, material, intelligence and financial support to the Ethiopian government. This cannot be done with the current fragmentation of resources, talent and efforts. Civic groups are especially well suited to advance the cause of diplomatic leverage and to come up with a specific set of doable recommendations for success.
The strategic objective is not only to expose the governing party’s misdeeds. It is also about framing of alternatives going forward. Those within the opposition camp can persuade and shift international public opinion from the governing party to the Ethiopian people and support champions of freedom and democracy through sustained and well- coordinated lobbying. The outreach effort requires a trustworthy, dedicated and credible champion of human rights and individual freedom. I am aware of a couple of such champions with global credibility; and will disclose their names at the appropriate time and to appropriate persons or groups.
15. Let us set up mechanisms to mediate conflicts among civic groups in the Diaspora
“A journey of a thousand miles begins with a single step.” There is no doubt that Ethiopian activists in the Diaspora spend their times, monies and expertise advancing the causes of the country and its people. They do them in numerous ways. These efforts are admirable but are incomplete.
Activists who agree on common themes and issues such as violation of human rights and the rights of women have no reason not to mobilize their resources and to stand together. Yet, there is ample evidence that shows that they do not. We all need to facilitate that they come together and work together now; and not in 2013 or 2014 or 2015 and so on.
In this connection, I suggest that we identify experts on conflict management and resolution to assist willing parties to come together for the sake of the common good. I know of a number of capable, independent and neutral professionals who can facilitate mediation for these and other groups in any part of the world. Those of us on the outside looking in can assist the process by encouraging activists to meet face to face; and to resolve their differences; to work together; and to speak with one voice. It is only then that they can make meaningful contribution to Ethiopia and the Ethiopian people as a whole. Activists cannot possibly expect civility from Ethiopian society until and unless they can be civil to one another first. It behooves each of us to respond to the cries of domestic workers in the Middle East for whom their government gives only leap service; to the thousands who are in the country’s dungeons; to millions who have died; and to those brave women and women who demand that we unite if we wish the democratization process.
The December 28, 2011, video on “Ethiopian domestic workers in the Middle East” represents the ugly and inhumane face of uncaring, callous and debilitating governance in Ethiopia today. The voice of the young woman whose cries and pleas moved each one of us represents the agony of the entire society, especially girls and women. They face the brunt of brutality and degradation in the Middle East as well as in their homeland. If this video was in English, it would go viral globally and cause an outrage.
Whether we like it or not, their dehumanization and degradation is ours too. The young woman is brave and bold. She is a 21st century hero as are Yenesew Gebre and the untold number of political prisoners in the country’s dungeons. She put the often ignored question: “What happened to the Ethiopian flag? Where is it when we need it?” She shamed the highest officials in the government.
9. Let us our ethnic, religious, ideological and professional garbs and respond to the plight of Ethiopian females
The cry and plea of the young woman reveals fundamentals that we would ignore at our own peril. Whether Christian or Muslim and regardless of age and ethnic affiliation, Ethiopian domestic workers face the same problem. This is loss of honor, dignity and humanity; and a government that does not stand on their side when the need arises. When they die, they are not buried in their home country: the one last and legitimate claim of citizenship the dead can hope for. It is self-evident that Ethiopian girls and women and the rest of the poor are not the priority of the governing party.
As important, their government is unable and incapable of addressing the root causes that drive Ethiopian youth, professionals and especially females out of their country. This root cause is abject poverty that is close to destitution. It occurs while a few accumulate wealth.
Travesty against Ethiopian girls and women; and the burning of a church are appalling and ghastly enough to worry, Christians, Muslims, young and old alike. Just think again of what leads females to the Middle East. Then imagine what stolen billions could have done and could do to create employment opportunities within the country; and avert continued exodus.
Let me underscore a gentle reminder. Between 2000 and 2009, Ethiopian society lost a well-documented US$11.7 billion. Interestingly, there is some form of correlation between the governing party’s claims of substantial growth on the one hand; and illicit (read stolen) foreign exchange and other resources transfers on the other, the country lost US$3.26 billion in 2009 alone. This is not the place to assess the sources and ultimate destinies of these billions.
In short, I suggest that these billions of dollars that have been taken out of the country illegally or gained through various schemes: human trafficking, contracting, foreign deposits in exchange for Birr, underpricing of goods, ten thousand tons of coffee lost; and so on could have built numerous factories and improved agricultural output substantially.
These billions would have improved access to quality of education, health, sanitation and safe drinking water. They could have been deployed to improve smallholder farming through the provision of better seeds, fertilizers, credits and tools. Instead, the stolen billions enrich a few but severely degrade public confidence in government; and undermine capability and capacity. It is Ethiopian society that loses big time.
Do not expect a broken and corrupt system to fix itself. Do not expect the Ethiopian Anti-Corruption Commission to go after crooks; as you do not expect the Ethiopian Election Board to advance free and fair elections. Those who benefit from a broken system are least likely to protect; let alone advance the interests of Ethiopian females and the rest.
It is therefore hard for me to understand why those who reject a failed system cannot discuss their differences. I suggest that they can and should do this civilly and urgently; if they wish to respond to the cries of Ethiopian domestic workers in the Middle East, the hundreds of thousands who have to buy leftover foods; and the 21 percent who are unemployed. This is why cooperation is no longer an option. Combing forces is not as easy as it sounds. It takes a sense of common purpose and the determination to achieve it regardless of the cost.
Fortunately for us, there are groups and individuals within the country who are sacrificing their lives despite formidable odds. It is these social forces that should motivate each and all to close ranks and march toward the same goal of transforming the system peacefully but systematically. For this to happen, we need to believe in the just cause of the Ethiopian people: the females we saw in the video and others, all of them who are left out of the country’s growth.
This is why Mandela’s enduring wisdom is so critical for each and all to embrace and let go of the politics of, friction, division, animosity and hatred. These traits we get from the governing party. Mandela said, “I never lost hope that this great transformation (the end of Apartheid) would occur. Not only because of the great heroes I have already cited, but because of the courage of ordinary men and women of my country…. No one is born hating another person because of the color of his skin or his background or his religion. People must learn to hate, and if they can learn to hate, they can be taught to love, for love comes more naturally to the human heart than its opposite (hate). Man’s goodness is a flame that can be hidden but never extinguished.”
The governing party divides us on the basis of nationality and religion and serves its narrow interests. What is tragic is that some of us seem to fall into its trap by accepting and propagating the ideology of bitterness and hate among ourselves. These values which some of us in the Diaspora seem to echo should not be ours. They are the governing party’s. We need to do exactly the opposite. Doing the opposite is within our control. If “man’s goodness is a flame” that Apartheid was incapable of extinguishing, ethnic and religious bitterness and division in Ethiopia are concepts and values that we can and should reject and echo across the globe.
To me, this is the plea I heard from the young woman and those who gave her thunderous applause. In another society, her cry would have resulted in an uprising. Ethiopian Christiana and Muslims have a proud history of living and working with one another. They will strengthen these bonds if they experience fair access to opportunities; just, inclusive and democratic governance. They will reject extremist forces and their external backers. The possibilities are endless.
Endemic corruption diverts scarce resources; and will lead to more lost decades. I contend that the Ethiopian people do not deserve more lost decades that emanate from cruel, discriminatory, repressive and oppressive governance any longer. Most of us agree that what the Ethiopian people wish to see is massive transformation toward a just, fair, inclusive and democratic society. How do we do to help them achieve this this in practical terms?
10. Let us do everything to sway the young generation of Ethiopians away from the avalanche of corruption that envelopes the society
Corruption is decimating Ethiopian society to the core and is injecting a potentially catastrophic culture of greed, intense and unhealthy rivalry for economic and political resources and power among youth. If this trend continues, greed, dishonesty, theft, self-centeredness, nepotism, illicit outflow of funds and so on will persist for generations to come. Ethiopia will remain poor. Income inequality and uneven development will be more pronounced than before. Generations of Ethiopians will be forced to flee their country in search of opportunities abroad. The assault on Ethiopian females in the Middle East and elsewhere will not stop. Only the richest and most powerful few and their successors will thrive and govern the country by any means necessary. What then is the alternative? The simple answer is to work diligently and collaboratively for the sovereignty of the Ethiopian people. But there is more than we need to do.
The current system will do all in its power to replace itself with successors that emulate it. Opponents need to counter this by identifying, training, mentoring, guiding, enabling and empowering a new generation of leaders in all sectors of national life and within the Diaspora. This new generation must reflect the country’s diversity: nationality, geography, religious, ideology, culture and gender.
Ethiopians Can Indeed Unite if they are Willing, Part Six (c) of Six
Aklog Birara, PhD
In my capacity as the World Bank Group’s first and only Senior Advisor on Racial Equality (SARE), I had the privilege of representing this multilateral agency in numerous forums around the globe. The issue at hand was racial, gender, religious and other forms of equality, with special emphasis on the mistreatment of people of Sub-Saharan African origin (blacks) around the globe. Whether state sponsored or societal, the economic, social, cultural, psychological and political costs of discrimination and exclusion of any form anywhere in the world are incalculable. Of these, emotionally charged and elite sponsored discrimination and exclusion that arise from ethnic and religious dominance of one group over another proves to be the most explosive.
One of the most memorable of these events was a worldwide conference on racial equality in Cape Town, South Africa, at which I had the chance to learn about the toxicity of ethnic and racial discrimination. Equally, I had the chance to meet the distinguished Nelson humanist and one of the world’s greatest leaders, Mandela, and to learn from him the value of democratic and inclusive leadership. The conference and his words and messages underscored the toxicity of ethnic or racial based governance whether black or white. His is a philosophy to which I subscribe fully; and I believe you should to.
One vital lesson I should like to draw to the reader’s attention is an enduring legacy Nelson Mandela left for all humanity and for a country such as ours that is beset by a minority ethnic elite governing party, the TPLF. This is narrow and self-serving elite that led, created, promoted and nurtured ethnic hatred and division using boogeymen. This, I suggest, is the root and genesis of political, economic and social capture and dominance by a minority ethnic-based elite that has now normalized and institutionalized the abnormal as normal. The normal is representative governance that allows unrestricted participation by each and every citizen. For this to happen, the government and state have to be impartial.
Revolutionary Democracy is nothing less than the dictatorship of narrow ethnic elite over the vast majority of the population. This form of ideology is never impartial. The abnormality of the system includes preoccupation with self-interest, individualism, clannishness, egoism, self-centeredness, nepotism, greed and power, continuous agitation and turmoil that pities one group against another. It is ‘permanent war’ of the kind inherited from leftist ideology and imposed on the entire society.
By definition, the system must subvert and undermine the common good in order to advance and maintain the interests of the elite; and in order to survive and thrive. It has no choice but to create frictions; and or to fabricate scapegoats or culprits to justify repressive actions. National tendencies are antithetical to this philosophy. These values and tendencies undermine meaningful and healthy transformation that emanates from combining forces on fundamentals or on those issues that are common for everyone. Those who reject the system should therefore do the exact opposite: cooperate on basic issues and leave the rest for resolution once the Ethiopian people are in a position to assert their sovereignty.
8. Let us establish a shared understanding of the nature of the political problem: the genesis of ethnic governance and its costs
I suggest in the strongest terms possible that those of us who wish the new generation of Ethiopians a better life, and for the survival of a unified and democratic country have a moral obligation and duty to come together and arrive at a shared understanding of the nature, and origin of the problem that emanates from ethnic minority elite political and economic capture. Let us, for once, resort to the Einstein formula of spending “55 minutes diagnosing the problem” and arrive at a shared or common understanding of what it is that we wish to resolve and fix. It is only then that any group can frame the alternative (the five minute solution) that will serve the Ethiopian people as a whole and lift them out of the quagmire they face today.
Opposition to the TPLF/EPRDF alone is not the same as understanding the nature of the problem and why it persists. As critical, unless and until we have a shared understanding of the problem, arriving at a meaningful and credible alternative the day after is a mirage.
There is no contest that minority elite ethnic governance of the TPLF/EPRDF is the most formidable barrier to long-term peace, coexistence, stability, the welfare and sovereignty of the vast majority of the Ethiopian people. Global indices show that growth has not changed the lives of the vast majority of the population; while it has generated insane levels of incomes and wealth for a limited few. By definition, any political and social group that identifies itself as ethnic is exclusive, corrupt and discriminatory. It is the anti-thesis of the South African and Ghanaian models of democratic governance; and fair play in the national economy.
Measurements, statistics and stories in Ethiopia are mind boggling. Regardless of region, key administrative and other positions are literally manned or staffed predominantly by TPLF, mostly, Tigrean cadres and supporters: from the Prime Minister at the top to chauffeurs and janitors and cleaners in ministries and other offices at the bottom. The façade of democratization at the local and regional levels is shallow. Policies and decisions are made centrally; and implemented locally on behalf of the center. How does the ruling party get away with this type of harmful and oppressive governance for so long? My estimation is that the rest of us are divided and do not have a shared understanding of the nature of the governing party itself. Our division is its strength.
We have a wealth of evidence that confirms that the entire system is corrupt and broken. Yet, opponents are unable to collaborate and cooperate with one another. The system survives by pitying one ethnic or religious group against another. The burning of a church does not occur without the tacit approval of the Federal state and its extensions. The regime uses this and other techniques of divide and conquer to prolong its longevity and to extract more wealth and assets for itself and its supporters. This is the reason for my thesis of permanent suspense as an instrument of dominance.
9. Let us champion the formation of a society free of corruption; and shame the governing party
There will not be sustainable and equitable development in the country unless corrupt practices are eliminated. The prospect of doing this successfully resides in the sovereignty of the Ethiopian people and in the accountability of government officials at all levels. If the situation persists as is, I suggest that incomes will not rise; rising costs will not be contained; domestic production will not correspond to demand; employment will not be created to accommodate the country’s youth bulge; illicit outflow will not stop and so on. The opposite will be true: income inequality and the concentration of wealth and uneven development will be more pronounced than today. Why?
I am reminded of what the British Historian, Lord Acton said. “Power tends to corrupt. Absolute power corrupts absolutely.” Leaders who have no character–such as honesty, integrity, fairness, empathy for human life and so on–tend to be repressive and more corrupt. “The spiritual nature of man,” said Disraeli “is stronger than Codes of Constitutions.” This “spiritual nature” is totally and irrevocably absent in the entire leadership. They recruit likeminded people to their side. They provide substantial financial and material incentives to leaders of key institutions such as security, police and defense to ensure their survival. Acquiring a privileged status is a critical way of maintaining the system regardless of the cost to the rest of the society. It is here that I should like to broaden the now widely used term of corruption, which we tend to equate only with money. Corruption is more than the diversion and misuse of resources.
The TPLF/EPRDF form of corruption embraces all of the following and more:
• It undermines democratic leaning institutions and culture though nepotism, bribery and kickbacks.
• It encourages brain drain as it sees the benefits of human capital export as an instrument to contain completion, and as a key source of foreign exchange. This reinforces brain drain and minimizes domestic intellectual and talent capacity that is fundamental for sustainable development.
• It corrupts elections and reverses outcomes as was done in 2005; and propagates the notion that it is possible for an ethnic-based party to win 99.66 percent of the votes as was the case in 2010.
• It diverts financial and other resources through institutionalized corruption and milks dry an entire economy and harm the poorest of the poor most. There is no independent oversight for accountability. The system is judge and jury and reinforces itself.
• It facilitates illicit of outflow of more than US$11 billion over the past decade alone; and more than US$3 billion from one of the poorest and least developed countries on the planet. It does not even investigate because investigation will lead nowhere; high officials are among the greatest beneficiaries.
• Its absolute power and the associated occurrences such as corruption and illicit outflow aggravate and deepen poverty, uneven development and inequality. Most Ethiopians are poorer today than they were 20 years ago.
• It intensifies mutual mistrust, crime and instability.
• It reinforces ethnic as well as religious unrest and antagonism. Permanent suspense suits the governing party.
• It undermines national culture such as mutual tolerance and peaceful coexistence, honesty, integrity, humility, the sanctity of human life and so on.
• It implicitly or explicitly allows or promotes dangerous foreign cultural, social and economic penetration and influences such as widespread use of drugs, prostitution, human trafficking and the use of foreign languages at the cost of national languages in educating youth. It condones the export of children and girls to gain foreign exchange and so on.
• It undermines indigenous and nationally oriented development.
• It propagates scapegoats relentlessly, for example, resorting to the notion of irreconcilability among specific ethnic groups and allowing their dispossession and disenfranchisements anywhere and everywhere.
• It undermines national sovereignty and independence by availing well tested Ethiopian soldiers to fight wars across borders.
All of these are indicators of absolute power that corrupts. Corruption is by definition ‘cancerous’ and spreads to the entire fabric of society and deters its healthy and nationally anchored transformation for the better. In this system, leaders who have no character manifest insatiable appetite for incomes, assets and power. This is why I would conclude here that the quest for more incomes and wealth correlates directly to the proclivity to repress and dominate.
This is why political pluralism or democratic governance that emanates from the voices and sovereignty of the people of Ethiopia is the best defense against all forms of corruption. It is the only form of governance that will establish a solid foundation for sustainable and equitable development–even for those who defend the system for temporary gain, often, for crumbs. They should know that a corrupt system is temporal, and will never survive in the long-term. It is in their interest to accept the inevitability and emergence of a just, fair and inclusive system.
The current system that bestows privileged status to a narrowly based ethic elite contains all of the ingredients of a potentially catastrophic social phenomenon that has little comparison anywhere in the world. Part of the reinforcement comes from the diplomatic and donor community that maintains a blind eye to the deteriorating situation in the country. Why?
Primarily two reasons: an incoherent, fragmented and divided opposition that has thus proven incapable of framing and offering a better alternative. Second is the Western and especially US preoccupation with stability in the Horn as an overriding national policy. Dictatorship is preferred over political pluralism and justice. It is the now that predominates national policy. The lack of a viable alternative reinforces the second. This in itself should compel opposition groups whether civil or political to set aside minor differences and speak with one voice on specific national policy issues.
If opponents worked collaboratively and spoke with one voice, they would show to the world that the governing party’s transfers millions of hectares of farmlands and water basins to foreign investors and domestic allies has not and will not boost domestic capabilities and reduce poverty and unemployment. If they cooperated with one another and spoke with one voice, the governing party will not get away with stolen elections or with constant arrests of scores of people and justify it on constitutional and stability grounds. If they cooperated with one another and spoke with one voice, corrupt officials and others will not be brazen in stealing known billions of American dollars and taking these out of the country through illicit means. There will not be a place to hide. It is therefore not rocket science to conclude that meaningful cooperation that will lead to political pluralism or democratic governance is the best defense against this repressive and corrupt system.
Corrupt minority ethnic elite survive by coopting others to its side, for example, by giving material and financial incentives. Those coopted are among the most vigorous defenders of the system. Their composition is ethnic or religious neutral. In the same vein, it prolongs its rule by stirring fear, hatred and division among the population, including the Diaspora. It finds scapegoats in the latter group to blame while it arrests and persecutes those at home without due process of law. Sad, but true, we fall for this type of corrupt and abusive governance at our own peril. Some do not even understand this well.
10. Let us agree and act that illicit outflow weakens aid effectiveness and is a cost to Ethiopia and Ethiopians
“The people of Ethiopia are being bled dry. No matter how hard they try to fight their way out of absolute destitution and poverty, they will be swimming against the current (tide) of illicit capital leakage” to which aid and Diaspora remittances contribute. The facts are shameful for a country with one of the lowest per capita incomes (US$365) in the world; and one of the “hungriest” to boot. Just think of what illicit outflow of US$11.7 billion between 2000 and 2009 means. Think of what illicit outflow of US$3.26 billion in 2009 means. It means plundering precious resources from Ethiopian children. It is a generational punitive punishment.
The parallel I could draw of corruption and illicit outflow is ‘Alcoholics Anonymous’ for an ethnic elite that has no soul. Here are its manifestations:
• Institutionalized greed that condones the behaviors and actions of its members.
• Watches out for the interests of members of the group at the highest level in a veil of secrecy and confidentiality akin to “Alcoholics Anonymous.”
• Systematic assessment who is allowed in and out.
• Periodic assessment of membership effectiveness through what is called “gimgema” as a tool.
• Deployment of the legal and regulatory system selectively.
• Restrictive regulatory framework to govern private property and to ensure entry or non-entry.
• Invitation to club based on loyalty.
• Pronouncement of fair and market based competition as neoliberalism to shore up crony capitalism.
• Promulgation of laws and regulations to manipulate and sustain insatiable need for wealth making resources and assets.
• Propagation of the notion that failure to defend the corrupt system will result in the destruction of the country; and use this as a pretext to contain dissent.
‘Alcoholics Anonymous’ of ethnic elites is an exclusive club in which members maintain strict anonymity as to who owns what and where. Members are expected to defend one another’s power and wealth interests in the name of growth. They vow not to disclose incomes and assets. This is among the reasons why the current government is among the least transparent in the world. Members refrain from public disclosure of illicit outflow to avert international scrutiny. Ironically but not surprisingly, officials disavow corruption in public and empower the head of their group to assault it and illicit outflow as if the top leadership is not part of the club. The message is this: we are not part of the problem; it is others.
It is worthy to note that members of this anonymous club speak with one voice. They say more or less that corruption and illicit outflow harm development; and that the culprits for billions stolen are outside the government loop.
‘Alcoholics Anonymous’ for the governing elite and its allies is a form of addiction that comes from “absolute power.” Members are not satisfied with the billions they have made; the same way that alcoholics are rarely satisfied until they are cured. They do not see the harm they cause for the rest of the society. They try to maintain calm and stability at any cost by using the full force of the state.
In light of the above, opponents can no longer afford to waste time, energy and resources second guessing, suspecting and undermining one another. They have numerous themes and causes on which to rally and to agree on a framework now. Corruption and illicit outflow are among the most compelling themes on which most opponents and the global community can and will rally.
There are other critical themes and issues that lend themselves to the urgent and doable recommendation for cooperation and collaboration without delay: human rights, social and economic justice, the rule of law, equitable access to opportunities, civil engagement in the political process, unemployment, the traumatic situation of Ethiopian women, especially girls, civil unrest and land grab. All these should mobilize those who resent current minority ethnic-based repressive and corrupt governance. The bleeding of the country’s resources should, in itself, revolt each of us, and unify our behaviors and actions.
Ethiopians Can Indeed Unite if they are Willing, Part Six (b) of Six—continuation
Aklog Birara, PhD
In Part Six (a), I offered a set of suggestions about our individual and group behaviors that must change in order to advance the human condition in Ethiopia. The tendency of my own generation to see issues in “black and white” and the inability to separate the person from the issue led to unfortunate consequences. Wisdom would have suggested that we reflected on unintended consequences (the concept of thorough diagnosis) before we made declarations. This tendency persists among Ethiopia’s elites today.
Ethiopian political and civic opposition groups do not lack talent and concepts. There is a plethora of both. What we lack is the will, determination, discipline, flexibility, organization and leadership to translate concepts and recommendations into concrete actions. In this continuation, I shall offer a series of additional suggestions for further debate, and more important, for action. The items are identified because they are within our control and can be done. If we do them in a strategic and persistent manner, these steps will further undermine the legitimacy of an illegitimate regime that thrives on our division more than on its strength.
4. Let us all campaign against corruption and nepotism
I and others have provided ample evidence that show the economic, social and political costs of tribalism and ethnic based discrimination and exclusion. The governing party’s claim that its developmental state advances the common good is totally misleading and false. In fact, it has strengthened administrative and state capture based corruption to the tune of between US$8.345 and US$11 billion since the TPLF/EPRDF took power. The latest from Global Financial Integrity reveals that the Ethiopian people are being “milked dry.” In other words, the country’s resources are being plundered by members of the governing elites.
In 2011, Ethiopia ranked 116th from 60th in 2000, a substantial decline. The country is more corrupt; and increases in aid flow aggravate the situation. Corruption is so rampant that nothing is done without greasing someone in the hierarchy and at all levels of government. Moral decay that reached an alarming level is a consequence of corrupt practices. The cost to the society is incalculable.
Compounding corruption is concentration of incomes and wealth in a few hands; and a monopolistic economy that is dominated by the party, its endowments and favored individuals including foreigners. One of TPLF’s creations is EFFORT, a dominant player in all sectors of the economy. It epitomizes ethnic affliction and undermines confidence and trust in the economic system of the country. It curtails fair and open competition.
Therefore, political and civic activists in the Diaspora as well as ordinary persons who care about their country and its starving poor can and should come together and campaign against corruption and illicit outflow. If they agree on a common cause, there is nothing to prevent them from working together against a suffocating system that affects most Ethiopians. They have the human, financial, material and diplomatic potential within their hands to shame the regime. Here is where, good will, determination, discipline, commitment, cooperation, collaboration and a unity of purpose to do something good and concrete will go a long way to show the world that Ethiopians in the Diaspora do really care about their home country and its poor and hungry millions. Those who support the governing party should recognize that the ethnicization and concentration of income and wealth, and the monopoly over the pillars of the economy will undermine national unity and cohesion. Foreign organizations and governments that support the governing party will be much more sympathetic to the causes of justice, the rule of law, political pluralism and governance that is accountable if opponents show wisdom by cooperating and collaborating rather than fighting and undermining one another.
This recommendation to the Ethiopian Diaspora in general and to activists in particular is not done in a vacuum. Anti-corruption campaigns have gone global. This “globalized spring” that began in North Africa and the Middle East has spread to India, 900 cities and towns in the USA, Europe and Africa. Ethiopian activists should exploit this trend that has gone ballistic. The key is to understand the trend and act and not just react and moan. Greed, income and wealth concentration and inequality drive these spontaneous uprisings. What seems to be leaderless and virtual indignations and popular uprisings can be unstoppable force that will change Ethiopia too. Even in the authoritarian state of China, there were 87,000 incidents of popular unrest in 2005 alone. What are common among these protests are social and economic, injustice, greed and corruption.
5. Let us insist on aid that meets human needs.
The TPLF/EPRDF regime has received more aid than any in the country’s history. The question is whether or not this massive aid flow estimated in excess of US$40 billion, US$3.5 billion this past year, has made a dent in boosting incomes, reducing poverty and in creating domestic capabilities that will create the foundation for sustainable and equitable development. By all accounts, the answer is no. Sustainable and equitable development will not take place as long as billions of American dollars are stolen each year. Aid and Diaspora transfers are fairly easy monies to steal and to divert.
There is no independent institution to stop this mismanagement of national resources. The 2011 UN Human Development Index ranked Ethiopia 174th out of 185 countries. This alone suggests that the primary beneficiaries from aid and growth are party favored individuals and families, the governing party and its endowments. Aid has, often, been used to punish opponents and to reward loyalists.
Political parties, civic groups, followers of different faiths, academics, professional groups and the rest can play a prominent role by campaigning actively and systematically in donor capitals, in front of foundations, Non-governmental organizations, human and economic rights groups, churches, state capitals, tax payers and so on that donor monies should go directly to the poor and should no longer be used to enrich the few; to reward friends and to punish opponents. They should insist on independent oversight either by donors themselves or by neutral groups. They should be guided by the tested principle that equitable access to social and economic opportunities is one of the most powerful tools toward national unity, cohesion, peace and stability.
I will provide a simple human example why this is doable, practical and essential. Think of a child in Gambella who is forced to work on an Indian commercial farm for less than US$1 per day; below the poverty wage. Imagine if aid money was channeled to the poor in his community. This child would go to school and will have the possibility of becoming an engineer, a lawyer, a medical doctor, a teacher, a mechanic and so on.
The Diaspora must appreciate the devastating impact of hunger on millions of children, hundreds of thousands of who are stunted. UNICEF reports that “a child in Ethiopia that is stunted is less able to fulfill its potential. Its ability to learn at school and later earn a living and contribute to the nation’s wealth is forever held back.” The TPLF/EPRDF regime has no empathy for these children. We should make it our business to care. Corruption that diverts aid monies and illicit outflow of funds deprives the child from Gambella and millions of others of opportunities.
The developmental state’s claim that the benefits of growth will, ultimately trickle down to this child and to millions of other children is sheer madness. I wonder how many of us in the Diaspora give credence to the popular phrase “Ediget kale dabo yet ale?” (If there is growth, where is the bread?) Growth is about enough food to eat. If most of the aid money is stolen, it is this and other children who will pay a price for decades.
The pursuit of an uneven development strategy in a country where a single party dominates politics and economics does not at all advance fair and equitable investments. The chance of the child escaping poverty is almost zero. Born poor; he will die poor. The national outcome of the model is alarming disparity in development, incomes and wealth. Aid that is not governed by an independent oversight tends to aggravate inequality and uneven development. More aid means more corruption and more illicit outflow. In turn, this will lead to insecurity and instability. The business of aid should not be to perpetuate dependency and to enrich a few. It is to make the aid business obsolete by boosting domestic capabilities, including the domestic private sector and smallholders. Aid that does not advance human potential and freedom is dependency.
Here is another dilemma the society will face if the current trend continues. Uneven investment, income and wealth concentration in a few hands and in selected ethnic regions will lead to civil unrest and conflict that no one can contain. For this reason, each of us in the Diaspora: business women and men, teachers, medical professionals, taxi drivers, artists and so on has an obligation to let our voice heard as the opportunity arises. What is required is good will to cooperate. If we speak with a single voice, we can change minds. Look at the brave women and men, girls and boys in the “Occupy Wall Street Movement.”
Ethiopia is in worse shape than the USA; but here young people fight for a cause. The Diaspora has all the freedom in the world to do the right same thing. Is it not reasonable for those who are in the forefront of the struggle within the country to expect that those of us who live in freedom sacrifice time, money and labor to advance their cause? Is it not time for us to be bold enough to question one another how hundreds and sometimes thousands would go to a musical concert for hours but cannot spare time for a common social and humanitarian cause: Human and economic rights? Love of country and the diversity of people for which it is home require that we devote some time and spare some monies and expend know-how to advance the need of a child regardless of ethnic or religious affiliation. Unity and national cohesion does not just happen; it takes people to make it happen. It takes collaboration.
6. Let us promote freedom of the press in Ethiopia.
A quote from Ralph Barton Perry is most appropriate for this recommendation. “Ignorance deprives men of freedom because they do not know what alternatives there are. It is impossible to choose what one has never heard of.” The governing party arrests, sentences and jails journalists because it does not want the Ethiopian public to know alternatives to repression and oppression. Those of us who enjoy freedom know that a free press is the cornerstone of civil society. This fundamental right contained in the Ethiopian Constitution does not exist in practice. The governing party knows well that an informed public, especially youth, demands transparency, the rule of law, fair treatment, a level playing field in accessing opportunities and accountability. Ethiopia today is “one of the un-freest societies in the world.”
Have you ever wondered if the rest of the world knows the shameful and tragic conditions of Ethiopian girls and women? In a country where human life has been degraded and devalued, girls and women fare far worse than boys and men. Thousands are shipped to the Middle East each month to work as domestic workers. As someone put it in an Ethiopian newspaper, “They move from one form of death (poverty) to another (servitude).” When and if they die (as is too often the case) from physical and mental abuse, their government does not protest. Prime Minister Meles was asked about the deteriorating and humiliating condition of girls and women under his watch. He was told of the unprecedented case of five and six year old girls putting acid on their bodies and dying. He said that he did not know. Clearly, the Prime Minister cares only about his own and his extended family and not for the rest of Ethiopians. If your own government does not care about you, why would a Saudi or any other master care? It is the same thing that he said about hunger. “There is drought but not hunger” in a country that is home to “one of the hungriest populations on the planet.”
The bottom line is this. Ethiopian life, especially those of females, has become cheap at home and abroad. Increasingly, foreigners with resources get away with any human rights violation on commercial farms and in factories. Ethiopians cannot command respect in their own homeland. Those who hire and abuse Ethiopian girls and women in the Middle East, North Africa and other places know the priorities of the Ethiopian government: it is not to defend the rights of its citizens. This is why a free and independent press is so vital. This is why the rest of us should care and defend freedom of the press and human rights with vigor and consistency. If we do not value ourselves, no one in the world will respect or value us. How hard is it to collaborate and cooperate on press freedom and human rights?
Opposition groups, civil organizations, academics and youth in the Diaspora can and should take the lead and shame the regime by championing these themes. There are numerous specific social and economic cases one can cite. For example, they can use the shameful and degrading situation of girls and women who are brutalized at home and abroad to rally supporters across the globe. Their situation is underreported because there is no independent and free press in the country.
There is a second area of opportunity for the Diaspora as a whole and activists to cooperate and scale up communication to Ethiopia. I propose that advocates of freedom and democracy and the rest pool their talent, monies and know-how together and support all forms of media including satellite television and short wave radio transmissions to Ethiopia relentlessly. ESAT is an excellent model. The Diaspora can boost the capacities of other modern communication technologies such as websites, Internet penetration and social media through Facebook and others by providing funds and knowledge. This too takes good will to collaborate and cooperate.
I admire the efforts of activists around the globe who spend their scarce resources and time to keep the Diaspora informed about the home country. It shows an indomitable spirit to keep connected with the home country. This collective know-how and experience should, equally, zero in singularly on the home front. This is where the greatest gap for information and knowledge resides. It is time that we fill this gap. We cannot fill this gap until and unless we are willing to set aside minor differences and focus on the bigger picture of saving the country and supporting its vast and diverse population.
7. Let us empower the youthful generation to lead.
We still accept the traditional model of leadership that is totally hierarchical and top down. The struggle for democratization requires that we mentor, coach and prepare a new generation of leaders that live and breathe democratic values. These values place premium on cooperation rather than rivalry and personality cult. Roles and responsibilities rather than personalities are critical today than they have ever been. The Arab Spring teaches us that it is young people with passion, technological savvy and commitment to country, people and cause that brought down dictators. In Syria, at least 5,000 died for the cause of justice. Ethiopians are pace setters. Ethiopian youth possess these attributes and more. Youth in North Africa and the Middle East worked closely with all sectors of society and attracted millions to their side. They died in the streets fighting for a better day; and a promising future for themselves and for their society. Ethiopian youth have the same potential as we see among those the regime arrests and jails in droves. However, there is a gap. I am not convinced that my generation has done much that is meaningful to transfer knowledge and experience; and to equip the young generation with leadership and management skills. My generation has been totally insular and preoccupied with individual and parochial interests. This is the reason why we have failed in creating sustainable grassroots movements of any kind. We cannot create a democratic society without civil engagement and without creating and a strong and robust civil society.
Ethiopia’s demographic composition suggests that the social wave of the future resides in its youth age population. It is this social group within the country that receives no quality education that will lead to jobs or the ability to set up new enterprises that poses challenge and opportunity. It must have a promising future. Otherwise, it is a potential time-bomb waiting to explode any time, as in North Africa and the Middle East. It is this same age group that triggered and led peaceful and popular uprisings in Indonesia, the Philippines and Central Europe. These young ‘Turks’ did not lead revolts without training and preparation.
The older generation in the Diaspora has a wealth of knowledge and experience to transmit to the new generation within and outside the country. Among other things, it can launch a systematic and well-designed program of leadership training and mentoring in public service, civic engagement and other leadership skills. Political and civic organizations have the capability and capacity to integrate youth, especially females, in leadership roles. This is within their control and is cost effective. In turn, youth must reach out to and learn from their elders. They must appreciate the need to anchor their efforts in their peers within Ethiopia. Leadership training I have in mind must serve a social common purpose. It is a partnership between youth and their elders that has enormous promise; and we cannot afford to squander it.
