Interview with Mr. George E. Moose Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs
By Fikre Tolossa
Ethiopian Review, February 1994
George Moose was born in New York City on June 23, 1944, and grew up in Denver, Colorado. He received a B.A. degree in American Studies from Grinnel College, Iowa, in 1966. There after he studied American History and Foreign Policy in the graduate program of the Maxwell School at Syracuse University. After two internships with the Department of State — in the Bureau of African Affairs in 1966 and in Mexico City in 1967 — Mr. Moose joined the Foreign Service in October 1967. His first overseas assignment was to Vietnam, where he served first as an advisor to the refugee program, and later as political officer at the U.S. Consulate in Danang. In September 1971 he was appointed an examiner with the Board of Examiners, which administers the entrance examination for the foreign Service. From 1972 to 1974 he was Political Officer in Bridgetown, Barbados, with responsibility for the eastern Caribbean. Mr. Moose returned to Washington, D.C. in September 1974, where he was assigned as political analyst for Southern Africa in the state department’s Bureau of Intelligence and Research. In September 1976 he was appointed Desk Officer for Southern Rhodesia, and in this capacity participated in the first Geneva Conference on a Rhodesian settlement in November 1976. The following January he became Special Advisor to the Undersecretary for Political Affairs, with responsibility for African Affairs, with responsibility for African Affairs and International Organizations. In August 1978 he returned to the African Bureau as Deputy Director of the Office of Southern African Affairs. From September 1979 to June 1980 Mr. Moose was an International Affairs Fellow at the Council on Foreign Relations in New York City. He then served at the United States Mission to the United Nations as Deputy Counselor for Political and Security Affairs from June 1980 until June 1983. Mr. Moose was the U.S. Ambassador to the People’s Republic of Benign from 1983 to 1986 and U.S. Ambassador to the Republic of Senegal from 1988 to 1991. From 1991 to 1992 Mr. Moose was the U.S. Alternate Representative in the United Nations security council. He was appointed Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs on April 2, 1993. He has received several State Department awards, including the Senior Performance Award, the Superior Honor Awards, and the Meritorious Honor Award. Mr. Moose is married to Judith Kaufamann, who is also a career member of the Foreign service.
Responses By Assistant Secretary George E. Moose
Q. What view has the U.S. Government taken of the recently concluded “Peace and Reconciliation Conference” in Addis Abeba and of the events surrounding it, including the detention of several oppositon figures? In this connection, what is your opinion of the resolutions of the conference, particularly the one pertaining to replacement of the Transitional Government of Ethiopia by another government?
A. As the United States Embassy in Addis Abeba stated before the conference began, we support efforts by Ethiopians to meet peacefully to discuss their ideas about the future of Ethiopia.
Despite the detentions related to the recent “Peace and Reconciliation Conference” in Addis Abeba, the local authorities granted a permit for the Conference to meet in government-owned facilities and the conference met peacefully. We find it encouraging that freedom of assembly and freedom of speech were respected dring the conference proceedings.
We have expressed our concern to the TGE, however, about adverse effects the detentions could have on the democratization process in Ethiopia and on efforts to reconcile government and opposition views.
We welcome the release of three of the detainess: Ibasa Gutema, Lencho Latta, and Alemayehu Derisse.
We continue to regard the TGE as the legitimate government of Ethiopia. We believe that the TGE has made a good-faith effort to hold constituent assembly elections during the two and a half year period which it set for itself when it was established by the all-parties national conference in July 1991.
Q. What is the U.S. Government’s attitude toward Ethiopian opposition parties and organizations based overseas, such as the Coalition of Ethiopian Democratic Forces (COEDF), the Medhin Party, and the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF)? Does the U.S. Government have a particular opinion about organizations that advocate armed struggle in Ethiopia?
A. As we have often said, we support full participation in peaceful political activity inside Ethiopia by all political groups.
We believe that it is important for political groups that wish to affect the future of Ethiopia to become active in Ethiopia, especially in the countryside where more than 80 percent of all Ethiopians live.
We encourage overseas groups to explore ways to become active in the Ethiopian political process. In this connection, we note the position of the TGE, which has stated that any group that is willing to forswear violence as a political tactic in Ethiopia may function freely. we suggest that overseas groups pursue this possibility.
In light of the great suffering sustained by millions of Ethiopians by aremed conflict in recent years, we believe that peaceful activity is the only appropriate method of political action in Ethiopia. We believe that advocacy of “armed struggle” is inappropriate.
Q. What does the U.S. Government think about the state of human rights in Ethiopia? What is the U.S. Government doing to encourage improvements in human rights observance there?
A. It is obvious that the state of human rights under the TGE is improved over the situation that prevailed before 1991. In many areas, human rights are being more fully observed in Ethiopia now than at any time in decades.
We welcome the efforts of the TGE in this area, and we support its efforts to extend such important elements of human rights observance as the rule of law.
We recognize, however, that there are still improvements to be made. We intend to continue making our views known, as in the annual human rights report and in our ongoing discussions with Ethiopian authorities.
We also hope to continue our efforts to provide funds for various projects that will contribute to democratization and human rights. Apart from our previous assistance to ensure that the referendum on Eritrea in 1993 was free and fair, we have also been working with the Ethiopian judicial system in its efforts to investigate possible Mengistu-era crimes and to codify Ethiopian law. These projects and others in which we are engaged reflect the centrality of human rights for U.S. policy in Ethiopia.
Q. How do you view the economic policy of the Transitional Government of Ethiopia (TGE)?
A. We have been encouraged by a number of steps taken by the TGE, including devaluation of the birr, introducing a foreign-exchange auction, liberalizing prices, allowing interest rates to rise to positive levels, and dramatically reducing inflation.
In addition, the TGE passed new legislation on public enterprises, a new investment code, and a labor code. The latter action is also an element in improving observance of labor rights.
Furthermore, export licensing requirements have been simplified, and export subsidies and taxes (except for coffee) have been ended.
According to our information, gross domestic product (GDP) in Ethiopia grew substantially in 1991 and 1992, reaching 8 percent per annum.
While we applaud these steps and the results achieved, we believe that additional actions are also necessary. Among these are liberalizing the financial sector and emphasizing rivatization of state enterprises.
Over the longer term, we also believe that efforts must be made to diversify Ethiopia’s economic base and to reduce its heavy dependence on agriculture. While we support such further steps, we believe the TGE has made substantial progress in a short time. As a permanent government is established, we hope for still greater advances.
Q. Why did the U.S. Government recognize the State of Eritrea, in light of its general policy opposition to secessionist movements?
A. The situation Eritrea was in many ways exceptional. Eritrea had a special federated status with Ethiopia after World War II, as provided for by the United Nations. In this federation, Eritrea enjoyed sustantial self-government, with its own elected assembly, administrative and judicial structure, and flag. After this status was abolished, many Eritreans persisted over decades in their effort to establish Eritrea as a separate country.
This effort became a practical reality in May 1991 iwht the crumbling of the Mengistu regime and the entry of the Eritrean People’s Liberation Front (EPLF) into Asmara.
The postponement of Eritrea’s independence for two years after these events allowed for establishment of a free and fair referendum process monitored by the United Nations.
In accordance with this process, in April 1993 Eritreans overwhelmingly voted in favor of independence. In recognizing Eritrea, the United States accepted the democratic dhoice of the Eritrean people.
We are cooperating with the Eritrean government in its effort to help the wounds of thirty years of civil war.
We partiuclarly applaud the peaceful acceptance of Eritrea’s independence by Ethiopia. We also welcome the steps taken y both governments to establish warm relations on all levels between the two countries.
We believe that a constructive relationship between Ethiopia and Eritrea is vital not only to the peace and prosperity of both countries but to the future of the other nations of the Horn of
Africa.
Q. Even though freedom of expression and freedom of the press have relatively been relaxed after the Transitional Government of Ethiopia (TGE) took power, harrassment and detention of several publishers and editors of widely read papers have raised grave concern over the genuine commitment of the TGE to democracy and peace. In the light of genuine U.S. interest in promoting democracy in Ethiopia, what steps has your government taken on this development, as well as the “Ethiopian Press Law” which empowers the TGE to interrogate and arrest editors and publishers?
A. As you correctly not, freedom of speech and press in Ethiopia are greater now in Ethiopia than at any time in Ethiopia’s recent history. We believe this development is a positive one for Ethiopia’s future, especially in advancing the democratization process.
At the same tiem, incidents of the kind you mention have caused concern about limitations on these freedoms.
We have discussed these concerns with the TGE. In doing so, we have made clear that international support for the TGE is dependent on progress in democratization and human rights, and limitations on freedom of expression do not contribute to such progress.
We will continue to monitor press freedom.
Q. Another area of concern by numerous Ethiopians is the over-representation of Tigreans (members of the Tigray People’s Liberation Front and perhaps it sympathizers) in different government positions (even though on the ministerial level there are only three Tigreans). Wome worry that this over-representation, if unchecked, will lead to the domination by a minority national gorup over the majority by force of arms. How can the U.S. Government contribute to preventing this situation before it is too late?
A. As you have pointed out, the TGE includes people from many Ethiopian groups at all levels of the government. We believe such an approach is appropriate, especially in a government intended to manage a trastion to democracy.
We would naturally oppose any effort to impose a minority government in Ethiopia by armed force.
In this connection, we have been encouraged by the TGE’s efforts to establish a fully multiethnic army.
As a still more important step in establishing a permanent government that expresses the wishes of Ethiopian generally, we believe it is important that all gorups and political views be involved in the political process. We encourage the broadest possible participation in the process leading up to the constituent assembly elections in June 1994.
Q. Ato Isaias Afewerki, the President of Eritrea, has stated time and again that his government will not promote politics bsed on ethnicity and race in Eritrea. The Transitional Government of Ethiopia (TGE), however, advocates ethnic politics. Some political analysts think that this is a scheme designed to divide and rule Ethiopia. How does the U.S. Government see this problem?
A. As we understand it, the TGE is engaged in a program of decentralization that tecognizes the fact of ethnicity as an important element in Ethiopian life.
We support decentralization, which we believe is essential for fair, accessible governance in a country such as Ethiopia. At the same time, we are troubled by some reports tha these efforts may disadvantage persons living in areas where their groups may be in a minority. We believe that dencentralization should be implemented in such a way that the rights of all are respected and that Ethiopia’s integrity is preserved.
In recent history, there have been various ways in which ethnic groups have ensured that they are fairly governed. One method is to work to ensure their representation in national structures.
In the current Ethiopian situation, we believe that one of the best ways for all groups to achieve this goal is by participating in the process of drafting and ratifying a permanent constituion for Ethiopia, including the election of a Constituent Assembly in June. Issues of regionalization and centralization can be dealt with in the context of discussion about the new constitution, which the Constituent Aseembly will be chosen to ratify.
In relation to the constitution itself, our experience shows that it is important to have appropriate institutions, including independent courts, at regional and national levels to ensure that the rights of all citizens, including minorities, are preserved. We believe that such provisions are important in any constituional system. We believe that the TGE’s intent is good, and we intend to follow the process as it develops with the goal of encouraging positive results.
Q. Is the U.S. Government satisfied with the present composition of the representatives and the organizational size of the Transitional Government of Ethiopia (TGE), in light of membership and popular support for the representatives, organizations, and parties?
A It is not our role to prescribe any precise standards of “representativenes” for other countries. Such matters are for the people of those countries to determine.
We have noted a certain narrowing of the TGE’s base over time with the departure or expulsion from the TGE of a number of parties.
We believe this argues for the establishment of a permanent government founded on broad-based political participation.
To that end, we believe all groups should be involved in the upcoming elections for the constituent assembly, which will ratify a permanent constituion for Ethiopia. We believe that the future of Ethiopia will be decided by Ethiopians in Ethiopia.
To facilitate widespread participation, we will work with the TGE to help ensure freedom of political activity and freedom of expression. We recognize that democratization is a long-term process, but we see these elections as an important step in that process.
Q. President Meles Zenawi appeared briefly in the U.S. while the Peace Conference was going on in Ethiopia. What did he discuss with your government during his sudden appearance in the U.S.?
A. President Meles made no visit to the U.S. during the “Peace and Reconciliation Conference.”
Q. What do you consider the major goals of U.S. policy in Ethiopia? How do these goals relate to the future of Ethiopia, as you see it?
A. For 30 years, Ethiopia was riven by civil war. This conflict, which came to be one of the most destructive in African history, cost many thousands of lives and absorbed huge resources that could have been put to use in productive ways.
As a result, Ethiopia became the site of one of the world’s greatest humanitarian disasters — one the United States worked very hard to help relieve.
We now see that Ethiopia is generally at peace. In addition, there is a transitional process leading to a permanent government that represents the Ethiopian people.
We see economic recovery, improved observance of human rights, and establishment of more democratic instituions in Ethiopia as the long-term key to Ethiopia’s stability and greater prosperity.
We wish to help Ethiopia in achieving these goals. A stable, increasingly prosperous Ethiopia is critical to regional peace and development.
Ethiopia is already making a substantial contribiton on regional issues, especially the situation in Somalia.
We look forward to the continued strengthening of our relationship with Ethiopia in the future.
Q. Can you comment on your recent trip to Est Africa, as it relates to Ethiopia?
A. During my trip I had the opportunity to meet with a number of leading figures in Ethiopia, including President Meles. Among the subjects we discussed were the upcoming elections in June for the Constituent Assembly, which will ratify a permanent constitution for Ethiopia.
In these discussions, I emphasized the need for a transparent, free, and fair electoral process. In this process, it would also be necessary for groups other than the government have access to the media. I made clear that the United States will work to help ensure a level playing field. My visit strengthened my view that it is important for all gorups — including those now active primarily outside Ethiopia — to make an effort to become involved in this process, which will help determine Ethiopia’s future.
While it was evident that the process of establishing full multiparty democracy in Ethiopia will take time, it was also apparent that democracy is essential for Ethiopia’s stability and future prosperity. In my discussions with Ethiopians, I made clear that the U.S. Government will continue to assist in the democratization process.
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