By Messay Kebede
It is now totally clear that the form of opposition based on the goal of winning parliamentary elections is a dead-end, obvious as it is that the leadership of the TPLF has never contemplated the prospect of sharing power with the opposition, let alone ceding defeat to the verdict of the ballot-box. Ethiopians face two choices: either to resign themselves to the idea of an indefinite rule of the TPLF or to rise up and confront the regime with their own violence. There is, however, a third possibility, which is non-violent resistance and whose essential characteristic is the refusal to cooperate through such actions as massive strikes, demonstrations, boycotts, etc. Though highly efficient to overthrow dictatorial regimes, the recourse to non-cooperation requires the conviction that the government in place is not open to the game of elections and, most of all, leaders ready to suffer all the gruesome hardships that dictators usually preserve for opponents. Before reflecting on the way ahead, it is imperative to assess correctly the outcomes of the recent parliamentary election. People have reacted diversely to my previous article concerning the election (see “Yes, a Fake Election, but for what Purpose?”), with many disapproving my characterization of the outcome as a “defeat of the opposition.” According to my critics, the blame should be put on Meles… click here to continue reading
One thought on “Way forward for Ethiopia’s opposition”
There is no one best way to remove Woyanese from power as they are shortsighted and clining to power using ordinary mafia tactics and not long term strategy eventhough they stayed longer on power that, in fact, has been counting on them.The main problem with the suggested way forward, as usual, is the attempt to create the image of importance to the northern Ethiopian way of solving the country’s long accumulated problems than looking for comprehensive and radical solution/s. Dr. Messay did say nothing to stressing the grave crime that Hailu shawel and Lidetu committed. These two individuals represent the norther part of the country and yet their actions vivdly showed that they, as many other elits from north, were not struggling for democratic, just vand redical solution in that country. They were not acting responsibly but were looking for short cut to come to power again undemocratically as evidenced by their betrayal of Medrek in signing to code of conduct that finally finally against them. Dr. Messay also tries to relate the solution with individuals by exagurating the importance of leaders like Birtukan. It is not clear how Birtukan can be a means to solve the deep rooted problem of the country that has been accumulated for many years. She could have changed the results in the capital and could have been a threat to Woyane in limited area but still her release doesn’t end the problem.
I also donot rule out the importance of civil disobedience and popular upraising as a means of struggle in the current Ethiopian context. It is even the best and effective means, in addition to other meanses, to disstabilize Woyanes’ few loyaliist controlled beauracracy and security but highly paid. Woyanese like and support the idea/belief by the people that TPLF cannot be changed by peaceful means except armed struggle. Because, they know what it costs, how long it would take to bring change in that country through armed struggle. At the same time it will give them some time t devise another tactic to continou their supression. It may be advisable for the already engaging fronts to continue their movements and upgrade their muscele. But, as far as the peaceful opposition parties are concerned, this time is a very fertile time if managed efficiently and effectively to uproot Woyanese once and for all. There is nothing that Woyanes fear than popular upraising. As they are minority, they are pretty sure that once a wave of upraising starts some where with a wise, committed and systematic leadership thay can’t get out of it.