ADDIS ABABA, ETHIOPIA — Dressed in a black Adidas track suit and seated amid a comfortable clutter of term papers and political science tomes in his modest office at Addis Ababa University, Prof. Merera Gudina hardly looks like a menace. But, ever since he was elected to parliament two years ago, people have been avoiding him.
There was, for example, the time that local mechanics were too terrified to repair his car when it broke down on the way back from his mother’s funeral east of Addis.
“The mechanic said somebody was giving him a signal and they ran away and we had to transport the car to Addis,” Prof. Gudina said. “What they do is that they don’t touch me as a person, but people in contact with me, after I leave an area, they harass them or detain them or whatever they want,” he said of government security agents.
Optimistic visitors from the United States, which will give $500-million (U.S.) in aid to Ethiopia in 2008, like to point out that the Ethiopian opposition pulled off a feat that would be unthinkable in America or Europe when they unseated more than 150 ruling lawmakers two years ago.
But civil-society groups and supporters of the opposition throughout Ethiopia describe the country’s parliament as little more than a Potemkin village. Prime Minister Meles Zenawi’s ruling EPRDF party puts on a show of democracy for international donors, while enacting a brutal crackdown on supporters of the opposition outside of the capital.
Leaders such as Prof. Gudina say they’ve been denied offices, staff and access to their constituents and the media.
“At this point, Ethiopia has some of the trappings of democracy, but none of the substance,” said Bronwyn Bruton, a Program Officer for East and Southern Africa with the National Endowment for Democracy, which gets some funding from the U.S. government.
In the 2005 elections, the opposition made historic gains against the EPRDF, which is dominated by Mr. Zenawi’s own Tigray ethnic group.
Hundreds of demonstrators were killed and tens of thousands more jailed, including journalists, the elected mayor of Addis Ababa and the head of the country’s only independent human-rights organization.
The government only last week released 38 of the opposition activists who had been tried and found guilty of inciting violence, treason and trying to topple the government, but not before they signed statements admitting their guilt.
While a number of opposition members have boycotted parliament in protest against the election, scores of others followed the advice of Western countries including the United States and took office.
“I can’t run away from this place and expect some miracle,” said Beyene Petros, who has represented the opposition ever since Mr. Zenawi ousted dictator Mengistu Haile Mariam in 1991.
Mr. Petros has seen so many colleagues jailed or killed that he seems somewhat bemused at his own survival.
“Not me. I’m sort of an alibi for a lot of bad things they do to others. They will say, ‘Look, Beyene Petros has been this, he’s a fierce opponent, he can say anything.’ Instead of coming to me, attacking me, they have gone and killed my immediate associates, they have abducted some. That’s not enjoyable position to be in.”
The government’s true face, people say, is shown in places like Dembi Dollo, a two-day journey from the capital along more than 480 kilometres of dusty, dilapidated roads. Few foreigners visit, and little news emerges from the area.
Dembi Dollo is the political heart of Oromia, Ethiopia’s most populous region. It’s the birthplace of the Oromo Liberation Front, a group once allied with Mr. Zenawi, but today the largest of half a dozen rebel fronts in the country.
It is here that men who once campaigned for an opposition party called the Oromo Federalist Democratic Movement are still paying the price.
“You can say my home is the prison. I spend a lot of my life in the prison,” said one elder who spoke on condition of anonymity for fear of retribution. “Since 1991, every year I was in prison it’s only this time now, this year, I didn’t visit the prison.”
Though support for the rebels runs high here, the town’s elders campaigned for the OFDM, which eschews violence. Unfortunately for them, the local officials of the ruling party do not distinguish between political parties like the OFDM and the OLF, which was branded a terrorist organization by Mr. Zenawi’s administration late last year.
The elders had been jailed and followed. Telephone and power lines to Dembi Dollo were cut off. The OFDM’s office was vandalized and closed. After an elementary school teacher campaigned for the OFDM, riot police went after his 16-year-old daughter. They broke both her wrists, bludgeoned her in the abdomen and held her for a month.
“When she went to the court, the witnesses are the police who beat her – so how can this be?” said one teacher, who also insisted on anonymity.
Ethiopia’s ruling party attributes any heavy-handedness against the opposition to growing pains. “In most cases there are no problems,” said Bereket Simon, a senior adviser to Mr. Zenawi. “We feel there might be problems here and there because this is not a mature democracy like that of the West. It is an emerging democracy and we’re bound to make mistakes.”
Prof. Gudina has kept his full-time job at the university. After seeing 56 members of his party killed amid post-election violence, he says there’s very little he can do in parliament, where, unlike representatives for the ruling party, he has no offices, no budget and no influence. “In a year and a half, I’ve attended five, six sessions, that’s all,” Prof. Gudina said. “There’s nothing there to do. When Meles makes a report, you go so at least people see you are there.”
Two thousand Oromo people, part of the largest ethnic group in Ethiopia, marched Thursday to the State Capitol to raise awareness of human rights violations in Ethiopia.
People came from around the United States, Canada, Australia, New Zealand and Europe to march from Dale Street and University Avenue to the Capitol in 94-degree temperatures. Last week and this week have been declared Oromo Week in Minnesota.
“We’re marching for the people who are arrested back home,” said Kamer Hurumo, holding a large U.S. flag and walking with marchers holding Oromo Liberation Front flags. Hundreds carried signs saying, “U.S., stop supporting the Ethiopian regime.”
Oromo people are the majority in Ethiopia but have no real representatives in the Ethiopian government, which is ruled by a minority ethnic group.
Thursday’s march was organized by the International Oromo Youth Association in cooperation with the Oromo Community of Minnesota and the Oromo American Citizens Council.
“Ethiopian regime [Woyanne] solders who are now in Somalia are committing atrocities against the Oromo refugees in Somalia,” said Gawar Mohamed, president of the youth association. “Since Ethiopia [Woyanne] invaded Somalia, more than 30.000 Oromo refugees were deported back to Ethiopia. Many of these are in prison now.”
Aduu Joba, 20, and her brother Olyad, 19, came from London for the march.
“We have so many relatives back home who cannot demonstrate peacefully like we can,” she said.
“Almost every person here today has lost either a father, a mother a sibling or close relatives,” said Rammy Mohamed, a student at the University of Minnesota and member of the International Oromo Youth. Her cousin was killed two months ago; he was an engineering student at the University of Addis Ababa, the capital of Ethiopia.
Oromo people have been experiencing persecution under the Ethiopian Peoples Revolutionary Party (EPRDF) led by Meles Zenawi. Many fled to neighboring countries and settled in refugee camps.
“We hope this is a wake-up call for the international community,” Mohamed said.
URGENT! For Immediate Release Mark-up Vote for H.R. 2003 Scheduled for July 31, 2007
The Coalition for HR 2003 is informed and believes that the House Foreign Affairs Committee will calendar H.R. 2003 for mark-up on Tuesday, July 31, 2007. We expect the bill will receive full support by committee members and recommended for passage by the Full House.
Special Alert
DLA Piper
Zenawi has engaged his lobbying army of DLA Piper to defeat the bill. They are making calls and paying visits to members asking them not to support and vote for the bill.
DLA Piper has fully engaged their top guns to defeat the bill. See Ken Silverstein’s article in the recent issue of Harper’s Magazine, entitled “Lobbying firms blocking action against Ethiopia’s tyrant.”
Shimagles
We are also very much aware that some individuals who have lately been representing themselves as “shimagles” are indeed leading a secret lobbying campaign against the bill. We are fully aware of their efforts, and if they want to continue on their present course, we insist that they register as lobbyists for a foreign government under the Foreign Agents Registration Act, 22 U.S.C. § 611 (c) (1).
Final Push
The Coalition for H.R. 2003 calls on all Ethiopian Americans in the United States to rise up once again and deliver victory in the cause of freedom, democracy and human rights in Ethiopia. We are up against the mighty lobbying firm of DLA Piper. If we don’t rise up now and show our support for H.R. 2003, they will use their enormous power to crush our efforts to defend human rights in our country.
Special message from Prof. Al Mariam
I thank the Coalition for H.R. 2003 for giving me the opportunity to say a few words on the challenges that we face in pushing through H.R. 2003 in the House of Representatives.
I am afraid that some of us may not be aware of the concerted and coordinated activities by Zenawi’s lobbyists and others to defeat H.R. 2003. Every single day, Zenawi’s lobbyists, official representatives and even some who claim to be “shimagles” are making phone calls and pounding the pavement in Congress to defeat H.R. 2003. There is a coordinated effort between the lobbying firm, the official representatives in the U.S. and certain “shimagles” and others to mount a covert and not-so-covert assault on our bill. We must stand up and defend our bill!
Zenawi’s new lobbying strategy is simple. He wants to convince Congress that he has changed overnight from a dictator to a democrat. He says: “I have released the political prisoners. I am going to be a good boy from now on. I will abide by the rule of law and all that good stuff. Just don’t slam me with H.R. 2003.”
His lobbyists are chanting the same thing all over Congress. “Sure, sure. Things are improving in Ethiopia. The political prisoners are released. More will be released. Zenawi is willing to observe human rights. He should be given a chance. The bill will hurt the Ethiopian people.” Blah, blah, blah. The unofficial lobbyists are trying to scam members of Congress by telling them that “Ethiopia is trying to solve its problems by using its elders and traditional methods of conflict resolution”. Blah, blah, blah.
But H.R. 2003 is not just about releasing political prisoners. It is about democratic reform and accountability, restoration of the democratic rights of the people, strengthening human rights and civic society organizations and human rights monitoring and reporting processes, increasing the independence of the judiciary, prosecution of human rights abusers, improving election procedures, removing press censorship and repeal of restrictive press laws and provision of various training programs for demcratic participation, and limiting U.S. security assistance to peacekeeping and counter-terrorism only, among others.
Fortunately, we have not only truth and justice on our side, but also the defenders of truth and justice: Donald Payne, Chris Smith, Tom Lantos, Mike Honda, Charlie Rangel and dozens of others.
We have a choice to make now: Let Zenawi buy his way out of H.R. 2003, or we stand up and stop him cold on the steps of Congress. The choice is ours, not his.
Zenawi is certain, very certain, that he will defeat H.R. 2003 and win in the end, because he has millions to spend on lobbying. He thinks he can buy Congress. Have no doubts about this. He is sitting in his palace right now laughing at us: “They are not going to do a damn thing. All they do is moan and groan. They have never been able to do anything in all these years.” So, here we are. Is Zenawi right? “We can’t do a damn thing.” ???
Call, Write, Visit Your members of Congress on behalf of Mother Ethiopia
I ask every Ethiopian American to call, write and visit their members of Congress and ask them to support H.R. 2003. To paraphrase Shakespeare, the questions are:
Can each one of us afford to give Mother Ethiopia 5 minutes out of our busy lives to make a telephone call to a member of Congress and plead on her behalf the cause of freedom, democracy and human rights?
Can each one of us spare 10 minutes to write a letter to a member of Congress and explain Mother Ethiopia’s pain and suffering and the plague that has been visited upon her children?
Can we spare a couple of hours to go to the district office of our member of Congress; or for those of us who live close to Washington D.C., can we spend half a day in Congress and personally petition for relief of the suffering of Ethiopia’s children?
Let’s act NOW!
Let’s prove, No! Surprise Zenawi, that we can really work together to bring about positive transformations in Ethiopia. Let us show him that though we do not have millions to spend on lobbyists, we have hundreds of dedicated Ethiopians who will make up with patriotism and love of country what they lack in money.
My fellow Ethiopian Americans, awaken the giant within you. You have the power to do good, to be caring and compassionate towards your suffering brothers and sisters in Ethiopia. Use your power as a democratic citizen of the United States to fight evil. As Ghandi has taught, “Strength does not come from physical capacity. It comes from an indomitable will.” Let me add that strength does not come from spending millions on lobbyists. It comes from an unflagging and unfaltering commitment to a cause – our holy cause of freedom, democracy and human rights in Ethiopia.
JOIN ME AND THOUSANDS OF OTHERS AS WE MAKE OUR CALLS AND VISITS TO OUR MEMBERS OF CONGRESS.
Remember July 31, 2007!
God bless all of you!
Fax letter
Fax your letters, DO NOT MAIL. It takes 2 weeks to deliver a letter to congress because of security inspections.
Office telephone and fax numbers are listed below.
Copy and paste, and modify the letter below to fit your special situation.
Documents can be FAXED during the day or at night.
They will be read whenever they are sent. If you do not have a fax machine, places use fax services available at places like Kinkos, Staples, Office Max and others. You can also ask friends who have faxes to send them for you.
==================
We encourage you to immediately call, write, fax and/or visit your Congressional Representatives’ district and/ Washington D.C. offices and URGE THEM TO CO-SPONSOR HR 2003
OR USE THE FOLLOWING
http://www.justforeignpolicy.org/involved/ethiopia.html
July…, 2007
BY FAX
The Honorable [Name of Member]
U.S. House of Representatives
Washington, D.C. 20515
Attention: Foreign Affairs
Dear Representative [name of member]:
I am writing to ask you to co-sponsor H.R. 2003 (“Ethiopia Freedom and Accountability Act of 2007). I also respectfully ask that following committee consideration, you vote to recommend the bill as amended do pass.
(Personalize the letter in the next paragraph. Research the member’s legislative history on Google or by going to their website. If you are in their congressional district mention that also. Mention your line of work, expertise, special things about yourself, if you want.)
Example: Over the years, I have been one of your greatest admirers in the area of human rights, and I very much aware of your leading role in promoting human rights through the Cuban Democracy Act. It gives me great pleasure to write to you on H.R. 2003, (Ethiopia Freedom and Accountability Act of 2007) as I am sure you will appreciate the gravity of the human rights situation in Ethiopia. I am presently … describe your work, responsibilities etc, briefly)
As you may recall, on June 26, 2007, the scheduled mark-up action on H.R. 2003 was delayed because the ruling regime in Ethiopia, through its official representatives, communicated to the Committee that mark-up action on the bill on that date will adversely affect the release of the prisoners of conscience held in Kality prison.
I have learned that the Committee, in the face of such unprecedented challenge to its institutional integrity, nonetheless agreed to delay mark-up action for 2 weeks.
As you know, H.R. 2003 (Ethiopia Freedom and Accountability Act of 2007) is not merely about the release of political prisoners in Kality prison. It is fundamentally about reclaiming, revitalizing and advancing human rights as a central pillar of American foreign policy.
To that end, H.R. 2003 aims to institute accountability and democratic reforms in Ethiopia, aid in the restoration of the democratic rights of the people, strengthen human rights and civic society organizations, increase the independence of the judiciary, assist in bringing to justice human rights abusers are brought to justice, ensure fraud free-elections, and removing press censorship, among many others. Simply stated, it is a bill that aims to institutionalize the rule of law in Ethiopia.
H.R. 2003 is presently co-sponsored by Chairman Lantos, and eighty-three other members. I respectfully request your co-sponsorship because I take great pride in the fact that my representative from the great state of ___________ stood up to defend freedom, democracy and human rights in Ethiopia, where most of my relatives and friends still live. I also appreciate your help in expediting the mark-up of the bill by requesting that it be placed on the next calendar of the Committee.
I would like to thank you in advance for your help.
I will call your office in the next day to follow up on this letter.
Sincerely,
Your Name
Give your address and telephone number where you can be reached
==================
DO NOT CALL OR WRITE HOUSE FOREIGN AFFAIRS COMMITTEE MEMBERS LISTED IN RED BECAUSE THEY HAVE ALREADY CO-SPONSORED THE BILL
STATE — TELEPHONE — FAX — District
American Samoa
Eni Faleomavaega American Samoa
202-225-8577
Arizona
Jeff Flake, 6th
202-225-2635 202-226-4386
Gabrielle Giffords 8th
202-225-2542 202-225-0378
Arkansas
John Boozman 3rd
202-225-4301 202-225-5713
California
Tom Lantos (Chair) 12th
202-225-3531 202-226-4183
We are thrilled with the release of the 38 political leaders, human rights defenders, journalists and political activists this past week, yet the crisis in Ethiopia remains serious despite this good news. Instead, it is time for increased action—rather than relaxing, thinking that others will do it all for us. We now must take advantage of this encouraging development by not losing a step in our march for freedom, peace and the rule of law in Ethiopia. To do this, we must call other Canadians to march with us, calling them to intervene wherever it is possible. Ethiopian Canadians have an important role to play as they live, work and raise their families in a great and free country, but one that continues to generously support the current ruling government of Ethiopia with huge amounts of foreign aid.
To be effective, we must collaborate in the work, not to advance our own political party, but as a front of united Ethiopian people, invested in first making Ethiopia open and free to a diversity of voices. Political parties and their platforms must be secondary or we will lose our common voice as it is reduced into political factions, in competition with each other for future control, power and opportunity. Instead, our primary task at hand is opening up the country to the Ethiopian people so that they later can equally, freely and honestly choose who and what they want at the ballot box.
We are at a critical juncture where a common voice is needed to create a sustainable foundation for a free, healthy and strong democracy where future independent political groups are later, free to offer their best platforms to the public for their choices. Right now, let political groups continue to promote their independent agendas, but let those agendas be secondary to the greater Ethiopian Movement for freedom and democracy. Such a movement will be far more broad-based and inclusive of all Ethiopians from every region, ethnic group, gender, religion, educational level and economic level.
In the last weeks, I have received many calls, emails and requests to follow up on our previous article where we called on Ethiopian Canadians “to organize a coalition movement for the advancement of human rights for those in Ethiopia” a movement that is truly Pan-Ethiopian. People have asked me for help in determining where we should go from here and I contend it must be such a Pan-Ethiopian front of freedom-loving Ethiopian Canadians who want the same for Ethiopia as what they enjoy as members of Canadian society.
We already have indications that we are ready for such a movement. Consider the support for the release of the CUDP leaders in the past weeks and months. It has not only come from the Kinijit, but it has come from the ONLF, the UEDF, the OLF, the ENUF, the EPPF, the EPRP, the Afar, the Tigrayan Solidarity or Gasha organization and many others who were calling for the release of “their leaders.” The great example of that is the recent press release from the Ogaden people.
It is a phenomenal indication of how these newly released leaders have come to represent not a party, but instead, have become symbols for a national movement for justice and freedom in Ethiopia—something that would never have happened even two years ago. We have come a long way, but we must be extremely careful right now that our movement for freedom and justice does not quickly disintegrate into political parties, vying for leadership at the cost of the bigger struggle.
Such an effort will require leadership not just from Addis Ababa, but also from every region of Ethiopia. It must include the countless heroic leaders, many whose names we still do not know, who remain locked up in prisons throughout the country. Let us unite to assure them that they are not forgotten—that our battle is not over until their voices are also heard.
In fact, a new Ethiopia is emerging that may give new voice to such leaders from Afar, Ogaden, Hamar, Mazenger, Hawadle, Welayta, Konso, Shekicho and Shanqella. However, if we are not careful to include these leaders and instead, make the mistake of only focusing on one or a few major groups, we may lose so many of our guides along the road to freedom that we lose our way as a nation.
Right now, despite our rallying and protesting, we Ethiopian Canadians have not accomplished what we could have in Canada. We have not passed our own test. Unlike those in the United States or in Europe, we have never advanced any action that could have resulted in the Canadian government taking concrete action. If we are willing to accept our failure in this arena, we may be better able to respond with deeper commitment to score more highly on the next round of testing. We must work together so we do not limit ourselves by doing our own thing, separate from each other.
For example, in September of last year, I met with some of the top Canadian government officials in Ottawa, who told me that it is difficult to respond to the crisis in Ethiopia because Ethiopians do not have one common front and instead are separated into factions with some differences in their agendas. We know this is true, but we also know it may be convenient justification for not doing anything with what they may see as “a sensitive political situation.” However, we Ethiopian Canadians can remove any obstacle caused by our disunity by recognizing three unifying principles upon which most of us can agree.
1. Ethiopians from all over Ethiopia are experiencing human rights abuses and oppression—it is not just our own isolated experience, but is one that should unite our efforts in stopping our common perpetrator—the EPRDF—from continuing to terrorize us; recognizing that until freedom, justice and peace comes to all groups, we are not free ourselves.
2. Canadian Ethiopians living in Canada share a common new home country.
3. Canadian Ethiopians share a common heritage in Ethiopia, whether we are first or second generation Canadians—we have a common “Ethiopian-ness.”
Because of these three factors, we have a shared responsibility to work together to bring the travesty of our Ethiopian people—made up of our families, neighbors and fellow countrymen and women—to an end. From talking to so many of you, I believe we are ready to go forward in greater unity, but the question I keep hearing is—how do we do it—I say by organizing a meeting with this goal clearly in mind.
In my previous article calling Ethiopian Canadians to action, I proposed that we set a date for such a strategic planning meeting that would take place either in Ottawa or Toronto, hopefully by September 22, 2007. Those attending could be chosen as representatives from their organizations or political groups or could represent themselves as individuals. This would absolutely not be a political meeting for political parties, but instead a meeting to advance human rights, freedom, justice and democracy in Ethiopia—something we can agree is equally needed for all Ethiopians.
To facilitate the organization of such a meeting, those groups and individuals who are interested should email: [email protected] and provide your full name, address and contact information. From those names and from those who have already formed an ad hoc group to advance these goals, a steering committee will be given the task of determining the date, place and general format of the meeting. Delegates and individuals can then attend the meeting.
What is envisioned for that meeting would be a day to strategize as to what we can do to put more pressure on Ethiopian Canadians to take more action within Canada. For instance, Canada is a key donor to Ethiopia, giving large amounts of financial aid to improve the Ethiopian parliamentary structure, the judicial process, humanitarian aid and good governance. Yet, the current EPRDF government is killing and suppressing the people of Ethiopia while moving backwards rather than forwards on the above-mentioned goals. Some have reason to believe that the aid money—part of which we have contributed to through our tax dollars—has instead gone to support the continued oppression and brutalization of our loved ones. Through our regular contact with those at back home in Ethiopia, we know what is going on and we should encourage our Canadian government to no longer be silent about the horrible state of affairs in Ethiopia.
We can plan how to better advocate for the rights of Ethiopians in Canada as well as how Canadians should relate to Ethiopia. We can come up with ideas as to how to increase awareness of this crisis with Canadian political leaders, with leaders and congregations of religious groups and organizations, with students and professors at universities, with teachers and students in schools and with the public and civic servants in Canadian communities so that they also can advocate for justice and wise use of Canadian tax dollars in the world. This is not an issue for a liberal or conservative nor New Democratic Party government—it is for all. It is a non-partisan issue.
Just like is the case in Ethiopia; a movement for political freedom takes precedence over a movement for a political party since a lack of freedom defeats all political parties as we have seen with the current opposition parties. Right now, Meles would love to even try to divide the newly released leaders, increasing competition between them if he could and therefore, they and we must all be very vigilant so that we do not fall into such a trap and lose freedom for the whole country because of it.
Meles will not give up the fight easily as he has now even hired Missouri Democrat Richard Gephardt to kill the bill #HR2003. Instead, we must keep fighting also for our future. This is about a better future for all Ethiopians where no one is left out, including the Woyanne and Woyanne sympathizers. We have no choice but to reconcile and work together in finding a peaceful Ethiopia where we do not live in fear of being eliminated by others.
What we do in Canada may be a model for all Ethiopians in the Diaspora as they have modeled excellent achievements to us. May God help us to move quickly towards organizing such a strategic planning conference and may those who choose to become involved, be used to accomplish more than we could imagine!
ADDIS ABABA, July 26 (Reuters) – Ethiopian opposition leaders accused the government on Thursday of waging an “intensive propaganda campaign” against them through state media, less than a week after being freed in a clemency deal.
Thirty eight opposition members and activists were freed from jail last Friday after a nearly two-year trial that rights groups and donors complained was an attempt to dismantle the opposition after it made strong gains in 2005 elections.
The defendants were found guilty of inciting violence, treason and trying to topple the government, and 35 of them were given life sentences.
“It is also our belief that the people understand the true nature of the intensive propaganda campaign that the government is waging through the mass media after the conclusion of the agreement,” the opposition Coalition for Unity and Democracy (CUD) said in a statement.
“We are also fully confident that the propaganda barrage will not, in any way, reduce the strong support that the people have for CUD.”
Government officials were not immediately available for comment.
Since the pardon, announced by Prime Minister Meles Zenawi, state-owned Ethiopian television has aired several interviews with lawyers who said the trial and the convictions were just.
In a broadcast on Saturday, the chief prosecutor in the case, Shimeles Kemal, said the opposition leaders’ crimes justified the death penalty.
The defendants were arrested after two bouts of violence following disputed 2005 elections in which 199 civilians and police were killed, 800 people wounded and 30,000 arrested according to a parliamentary inquiry.
The CUD said it would continue to “struggle for democracy” and pledged to resolve its differences with the government through a reconciliation process initiated by the same elders that negotiated their release.
The group was freed after the government made public a letter it said CUD leaders sent to Meles admitting their guilt and promising to respect the law.
The CUD said a government statement on the clemency agreement was different to what they agreed to, but gave no details.
“It is our belief that the elders will make public the true content of the agreement at a time and in a manner that is convenient to them,” the statement said.