(Full text of Prof. Al Mariam’s speech in Seattle on January 28, 2007 )

Good afternoon Friends, Ladies and Gentlemen:

Welcome to this event honoring special heroes in the struggle for human rights in Ethiopia.
Before I introduce our guest speakers today, I would like to ask you to join me in a moment of silent meditation and prayer in remembrance of :

193 Ethiopian children, men and women murdered because they committed the crime of exercising their human right to petition for grievances by vocally protesting the theft of an election, the thousands of other Ethiopians who were maimed, who lost their limbs, became paralyzed or otherwise suffered great bodily harm for going out into the streets to stop a daylight robbery of an election, and the defiant and heroic leaders of Kinijit, the human rights defenders and civic leaders who languish in jails and prisons today in Ethiopia, and the many thousands of victims of torture and human rights abuses.

Thank you.

Before I introduce our guest speakers, I would like to thank certain individuals and organizations for sponsoring this event in Seattle today.

First and foremost, I would like to thank Ethio-Americans in Seattle for working collaboratively with the Coalition for HR 5680 in organizing this event, and for coordinating the itinerary of our guest speakers tonight.

Ethio-Americans in Seattle has been in the vanguard of the struggle to promote human rights in Ethiopia. We are especially indebted to them for their unflagging and unwaivering support of H.R. 5680, also known as the “Ethiopia Freedom, Democracy and Human Rights Advancement Act of 2006.”

I want to specifically recognize two individuals whose contributions to the human rights struggle in Ethiopia is second to none.

I want to thank my good friend and free press defender Abreha Belay, and the tireless young men and women who work to make Ethiomedia.com our window into our homeland.

Zenawi thought he could silence Abreha by charging him with laughable and bogus crimes. But Abreha did not even blink. He kept on telling the truth and exposing Zenawi’s lies.

Abreha, thank you for being our voice.

I want to thank my good friend and fellow lawyer, Shakespeare Feyissa. As we all know, Shakespeare was the first fireman who showed up on the scene when Zenawi tried to burn down our First Amendment right to free speech by using the American court system to muzzle criticism of himself and his regime. But it did not take much for this young and brave fireman to put out Zenawi’s fire.

Thank you Shakespeare for defending the greatest and most precious of all our American liberties — the right to free speech — and for giving Zenawi his first practical lesson in the ways of free people.

Let me also thank Ato Sileshi Tilahun for coordinating the logistics of the events here, and the Ethiopian American Council of Portland and our dedicated friends from Vancouver, Kinijit Hebret, Kinijit Seattle and all of our friends who publicized this event in the community and those facilitating things in this hall today.

Thank you all very much.
Let me thank all of you again for coming here this afternoon.

I am happy and honored to be here with you today, as are our guest speakers.

It is my special privilege to be with the most energetic and dynamic Diaspora advocates of human rights in Ethiopia, bar none.

Now, I do not make this statement lightly, but rather grudgingly, because I would have liked to reserve that description for my hometown of Los Angeles.

But don’t rest on your laurels because many of us in LA, DC, NY, Boston, Chicago and others places are working hard to snatch away from you the title of “most energetic and dynamic Diaspora advocates of human rights in Ethiopia.”

My friends: I wish I and my distinguished friends had come here today to talk about pleasant things.

Perhaps share with you entertaining stories about a Christmas vacation we had in Ethiopia and all of the fun we had, and the carefree time we spent there.

Or talk to you about a summer of travel throughout the Ethiopian countryside enjoying the beauty of Ethiopia and its people.

Or even to report on the findings of a scientific or historical research on the land of 13 months of sunshine.

Perhaps even talk about the big houses we built there and the millions of dollars we invested and made there.

We are not that lucky, my friends.

We are here to talk about murders and attempted murders that occurred over a 14 day period in 2005: June 8, 2005 in Addis Abeba, and November 1-10, and 14-16, 2005 in Addis Abeba, in Oromia, in the Southern Nations, Nationalities, and People’s Region and in the Amhara Regional States.

We are here today to talk about 193 cold-blooded murders, and 763 attempted murders.

Now, these casualty figures are just for starters.

If so many murders occurred over a 14-day period, I will let you do the arithmetic and calculate how many tens of thousands of murders and attempted murders have taken place all over Ethiopia over a period of 15 years.

Now, the murders that we are talking about today are not ordinary heat-of-passion murders, or murders that occur during the commission of an ordinary robbery.

No, these are calculated political murders intended to send chills of terror in the bodies of every man, woman and child in Ethiopia.

These are signal murders, murders intended to telegraph to every corner of the country that the ruling regime will resort to massacres and carnage to keep itself in power.

These are murders of individuals intended to strike fear in the hearts of the people, and execute their spirits and souls, and destroy their yearning for freedom and liberty.

These are murders committed as part of a systematic program of state terrorism– a program of violence unleashed on a civilian population by those who have control over the state apparatus.

Now, there is no question — none whatsoever — that these murders were committed.

We have a mountain of evidence on these murders that dwarfs Mount Ranier, not too far from here.

We have testimonial evidence from 1300 witnesses, including survivors of indiscriminate shootings, and bystanders who saw the murders being committed.

We have evidence from the families of murdered and injured victims.

We have evidence from over 1,000 Edder leaders who coordinated the funeral services of the murder victims.

We have the medical records and autopsy reports, expert analyses and investigative reports, official statements, daily police logs and photographs of murdered and severely injured victims of indiscriminate gunfire, and a total of 16,990 documents proving the commissions of these murders.

So, there is no doubt whatsoever that these murders and attempted murders took place on the dates I mentioned above.

Today, we are here to find out the identity of the murderer of:

1. Tensae Zegeye, age 14, died from a high caliber bullet wound to the head
2. Debela Guta, age 15, died from a high caliber bullet wound to the head
3. Habtamu Tola, age 16, died from a high caliber bullet wound to the head
4. Binyam Degefa, age 18, died from a high caliber bullet…
5. Behailu Tesfaye 20, died from a high caliber bullet…
6. Yusuf Jamal, age 23, died from a high caliber bullet…
7. Adissu Belachew 25, died from a high caliber bullet…
8. Tiruwork G. Tsadik 41, died from a high caliber bullet…
9. Admasu Abebe, 45, died from a high caliber bullet…
10. Elfnesh Tekle 45, died from a high caliber bullet…
11. Abebeth Huletu, 50, died from a high caliber bullet wound to the head
….
189. Regassa Feyessa, 55, died from a high caliber bullet wound to the head

Then we have other murder victims whose identities are known to God but not to Man:

190. Victim No. 21760, male, died from a high caliber bullet…
191. Victim No. 21761, male, died from a high caliber bullet…
192. Victim No. 21543, male, died from a high caliber bullet…
193. Victim No. 21762, age 75, (female), died from a high caliber bullet wound to the head

Yes, we are here today to find out the identity of the mass murderer of these men, women and children, these martyrs.

Now you may ask, who are these victims?

I have never met any one of them in person, or even heard of them.

But I do know something for sure about them.

They were somebody’s son, somebody’s daughter, somebody’s father, somebody’s mother, somebody’s sister, somebody’s uncle, somebody’s aunt, somebody’s grandmother or somebody’s great grandmother.

I also know something else.

I know these murder victims were our brothers and sisters, who intoxicated on the sweet potion of democracy and inspired by the promise of freedom poured out into the streets to taste the sweeter flavor of liberty for the first time in their country’s 3,000-year history, only to be cut down like blades of grass.
So, my friends, we are here today to find out the identity of the murderer of our brothers and sisters. And after you hear the evidence from our witnesses, you will surely know beyond a shadow of a doubt.

Today you will hear from the murder victims and those victims who barely survived with their lives. They will speak to you from their graves and from wherever they are nursing their near-fatal bullet wounds.

You will hear their cries and wails for justice in the meticulous, dispassionate and unimpeachable reports of the members of the Inquiry Commission.

And no tribunal, no court or forum of justice can have more convincing and more persuasive witnesses than the witnesses we have here today.

No witness in the Diaspora can speak more eloquently, more knowledgeably, or more truthfully on behalf of the murder victims and the thousands of others who have been victims of arbitrary arrests and detentions and torture than the Chair and distinguished member of the Inquiry Commission, and the former Deputy Attorney General.

And now, I would like to introduce to you these witnesses.
Our first witness is an extraordinary young judge. Born in 1975, Judge Frehiywot Samuel graduated from the Faculty of Law of Addis Ababa University with an LLB degree in 1997.
Judge Frehiwot has held numerous positions in his short but amazing professional life.

He began his career as a legal advisor to the head of the Southern Nations Nationalities and Peoples Regional State in 1998. That same year, he was appointed to the bench of the Supreme Court of Southern Nations Nationalities and Peoples Regional State.

Judge Frehiwot has held numerous positions of significant responsibility. He was the President of Supreme Court or Chief Justice of the Southern Nations Nationalities and Peoples Regional State.

He has also served as Chaired the Supreme Court Plenum and the Regional Judicial Administration Commission.

Judge Frehiywot was appointed as Chairman of the Independent Inquiry Commission by the Ethiopian Parliament to investigate the clashes that occurred after the May 2005 elections. His appointment letter from the Parliament vouches for his integrity, professionalism, impartiality and high ethical standards.

Judge Frehiwot speaks English and five different Ethiopian languages.

As if all that is not enough, Judge Frehiwot was also the Editor-In-Chief of the Journal of Law of the Supreme Court. (Debube Yiheg Metshet).

Would you please give a round of applause to Judge Frehiwot.

We also have his wife Genet with us today. They got married a few days before Judge Frehiwot went into exile. Genet please stand.

We are indebted to Genet for standing by her man through these difficult times.

Our second witness is Ato Mitiku Teshome. Ato Mitiku is the father of two children and a lawyer by profession.

Ato Mitiku worked as a legal advisor and consultant for different organizations and institutions, including the Catholic Church in Ethiopia. He was also a private entrepreneur and ran his own consultancy business.
Ato Mitiku was appointed to become a member of the 10-person Inquiry Commission, and his letter of appointment attests to his integrity, professionalism, impartiality and high ethical standards. Ato Mitiku was one of the eight members of the Commission who voted to find that excessive force was used to quell protests that erupted following the May 2005 elections. Ato Mitiku was the third Inquiry Commission member to follow Judges Frehiwot Samuel and Wolde-Michael Meshesha into exile.

Our third witness is Ato Alemayhu Zemedkun. Ato Alemayehu received his LLB from the Addis Ababa University Faculty of law. He started his career as a High Court prosecutor, and served in that capacity for seven years. He was subsequently promoted to the position of Cession Bench Prosecutor for the Ethiopia Supreme Court, and served in that position for four years. Ato Alemayehu also served as Senior Expert at the Legal Research Institute for 3 ½ years. In 2002, he was promoted to Deputy Attorney General, Civil Division. He held that position until he was forced to leave the country in August 2006.

In November, 2005, the State Minster of Justice, Dr. Hashim Mohammed, directed Ato Alemayehu to bring civil action against the jailed opposition leaders, human rights defenders, journalists and civic leaders, and obtain a multimillion dollar judgment against them for alleged damages caused by the protesters.

Ato Alemayehu declined to file the civil action because there was no evidence to link these individuals to any tortuous acts committed by any of the protesters.

He advised his superiors that proceeding with a civil suit against the jailed defendants, and very likely losing the lawsuit, could result in a multi-million dollar judgment against the government for filing and prosecuting a frivolous and groundless lawsuit.

By refusing to become a tool of injustice and taking such a heroic act, Ato Alemayehu thwarted Zenawi’s carefully laid plans not only to put the Kality defendents in the jailhouse, but also send their families to the poorhouse.

I am missing a fifth witness. This witness first broke the truth about the murders and indiscriminate use of deadly force against unarmed protesters in the aftermath of the May, 2005 elections.

This witness carried the evidence — the documentary and other physical evidence on his back and crossed the wilderness and desert, stalked not only by the wild beasts of prey, but also shadowed by Zenawi’s goons and thugs.

At every checkpoint, this witness resolved his life was over because if any enemies of truth had discovered the evidence he was carrying, that would have been the end for him.

But through God’s grace he made it into exile in Europe.

And so, I regret to say that Judge Woldemichael Mesehsa will not be with us here in person today. We hope to have him join us long distance by telephone. (Judge Woldemichael was subsequently able to join the discussions by phone broadcast to the audience by a public address system.)

I call to the podium our first witness, Judge Frehiwot Samuel.

Closing Remarks
(Because of time constraints, the following closing remarks could not be delivered and were withheld.)

In my introduction, I said that today you will find out the identity of the mass murderer of innocent men, women and children on those dates investigated by the Inquiry Commission.

So, I am going to ask you a few questions:

Who murdered and maimed the hundreds of men, women and children in June and November 2005?

Were they murdered by untrained soldiers who were trying to defend themselves against a violent mob using deadly force against them?

No. None, none of the protesters was armed.

Were they murdered because of confusion and the improper channeling of orders and commands to the soldiers?

No. The orders were clearly channeled. There was no confusion in the directives sent to the soldiers. The order was: “Aim to the head and shoot to kill.”

Were the victims murdered and maimed by trigger-happy soldiers?

Well, the soldiers may have pulled the trigger. But there was an invisible hand, yes, there was one invisible hand that pulled the fingers that pulled the triggers.

Now, you know the true identity of the mass murderer! We are truly fortunate to have these young truth-tellers with us this afternoon. We hope you have learned a great deal about the human rights situation in Ethiopia. The evidence they have presented to us today is as informative as it is shocking. But this afternoon we have learned the truth about human rights abuses in Ethiopia today. It would be ungrateful of me not to offer a few comments on the reception and sheer enthusiasm for human rights, truth and justice that we have seen in Seattle today.

This large hall is packed to capacity, and I can see from the head table towards the back, there is barely any standing room left.

As I reflect sitting here on the huge turnout, I ask of myself what it is that “you got in Seattle that the vast majority of us in the Diaspora don’t got.”

Is it the energy of youth? Is it the harmony of collaborative work? Is it your keen awareness that concern for human rights transcends all political ideologies and differences? Is it a question of leadership, organization, tolerance and respect among yourselves? Could it be a case of super-patriotism for you? Or is it the water in the Evergreen State?

Whatever it is, you need to share your secrets with us. You have the template for collaborative work, and a solid track record for delivering on your promises. We are indebted to you for doing more than your fair share in the cause of human rights in Ethiopia over the past year.

So, thank you Seattle for giving the Inquiry Commission members such a magnificent send off.
They return to the East Coast overwhelmed by the warm embrace of your love, and the deep respect and honor you have shown them.

If they ever had any doubts that they had done the right thing in sacrificing everything for the truth, let me tell you that they have no doubts today. You have reaffirmed their faith that they did the right thing when they stood up for truth and justice, and walked out to make sure all of us knew the unvarnished truth.

I believe they will take back one message from their visit with you here today. “Onward, Onward, Messengers of Truth! Preach the truth to all of Disapora Ethiopia.”

So, on behalf of Ato Frehiwot, Ato Teshome and Ato Alemayehu and myself, thank you Seattle. Thank you for the privilege and honor of being with you, and may God bless you all!

Hooray! Seattle rising! Seattle shining!

Los Angeles (AR) 01.20.2007 – Demonstrators, that call themselves “Concerned Ethiopians and Ethiopian Americans in Los Angeles,” angrily shouted slogans when Ethiopia’s Councilor Taye Ezeke Selassie entered the Korean Church at Fairfax Av., Little Ethiopia, to open a town hall meeting he called on Saturday, January 20, 2007. “Leiba, Leiba, Leiba, (meaning thief in Ethiopian language of Amharic) Killer, Murderer,” the crowd shouted when the councilor passed by the crowd to enter the auditorium in which he expected over 100 Ethiopian supporters of his government but ended with less than 10 that entered the hall deafened with the complaints outside of the hall. Most of the invited gusts did not show up scared of the demonstration that was announced ten days before the meeting. Some who showed up joined the crowed blaming the government for illegally imprisoning party leaders and Journalists and other political activists as well as massacring demonstrators in the street of Addis Ababa in the aftermath of the may election.

The demonstrators composed of Ethiopian residents in LA regardless of partisanship to religions, ethnic groups and political parties lined in front of the Korean Church auditorium shouting slogans that condemn the totalitarian government of Ethiopia and its tyrant leader Melese Zenawi. Some of the slogans that the demonstrators hold reads; “Melese is a tyrant,” “Down with Tyranny, ” “Democracy for Ethiopia now!” “Stop Killing Now!” “Melese is a Killer!”

According to one of the organizers the demonstrators had swarmed the Korean Church Administration with tens of telephone calls demanding to halt the meeting but refused to do so saying that it was too late. Instead it looks like that the church had to inform the police that surrounded the church on Saturday morning only to worsen traffic juxtaposition. This incident of traffic conjunction created conducive condition for the demonstrators to hand out leaflets that describes the cause of the demonstration.

Hundreds of leaflets and flyers have been dispersed. One such leaflet with a title of “Press Release” reads that “On May 15, 2005, 26 million Ethiopians went out to vote and with a clear majority voice said that ‘It is time for change.’ A change for democracy, freedom, human rights and the rule of law which has been lacking for l5 years of EPRDF rule in Ethiopia.”

It is however noted that the EPRDF robbed the voice of the people to declare itself winner of the election it lost by far to the opposition parties that made a coalition at the start of the election. The EPRDF cracked protests in the street of Addis Ababa killing tens of demonstrators that supported the winning opposition party and throwing the winners in jail accusing them of felony and genocide. In line with this the Press Release says:

“ In the aftermath of the May 2005 election, Ethiopian Government forces killed nearly 200 unarmed civilians and critically wounded over 700 demonstrator. Thousands of civilians have been thrown in jail. Of those jailed over 100 top Kinijit leaders, journalists, human rights defenders have been charged with treason and genocide, thus resulting in the reversal of the democratic process in Ethiopia.” Organizers of the demonstrators claim exiting triumph over the government agents and vow to free Little Ethiopia in LA from activities of conducted by agents of Ethiopian tyrant Melese Zenawi.

(AR [Assigned Reporter]. The organizers of the demonstration assign the reporter of this news)

Mr. Obang O. Metho, Director of International Advocacy, for the Anuak Justice Council (AJC),

Speech at Martin Luther King, Jr. 4th Annual Human Rights Symposium, sponsored by Martin Luther King, Africa-African American Renaissance March Committee, at the Historic Ebenezer Baptist Church, Atlanta, Georgia, January 11, 2007

Good afternoon brothers and sisters. Thank you for inviting me to this historic event. First of all, I would
like to thank the Martin Luther King Africa-African American Renaissance March Committee, for
inviting me to the 2007 Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. Holiday 4th Annual Human Rights Symposium,
specifically on the subject, “Moving Forward Human Rights and Democracy in Africa, Peace on Trial in
Ethiopia.”

I would not have time to thank everyone, but would like to thank a few key people: the Reverend James
Orange, from Martin Luther King African American Renaissance March Committee, Ms Helen Butler,
the Coordinator for the Peoples’ Agenda, Mr. Charles Steele, the President of the SCLC (Southern
Christian Leadership Conference), the Reverend Charles White, the Field Coordinator for the NAACP
(National Association for the Advancement of Colored People), Ms. Juanita Jones Abernathy, Civil
Rights Activist, State Representative Mr. Tyrone Brooks, from the Georgia Association of Black Elected
Officials, Ms. Janice Mathis, the Coordinator of the Rainbow Coalition, Assim Kassim, from Ogaden
Human Rights Committee and many, many more who helped organize this symposium and
commemoration of Martin Luther King, Jr.

I would tell you it is an honor to be with you in this room. In fact, no words can express how I feel
standing on this stage before you—the reason being, I am standing with you today, not only to speak of
human rights, but also to honor one of the greatest heroes of human rights—Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. I
am overjoyed to walk on the same streets of Atlanta that he walked on and to enter the same door he has
entered to this holy room—to take the same steps he has taken to this stage and to also speak to people
about love, peace, faith and respect. Standing here before you in this same sacred place he stood when he
was alive is something I never would have imagined or thought possible, but now I can say it was made
possible not by me or by anyone, but only by God. For this, I would like to thank our Almighty God who
gave me the life to be part of this world and reminds me that I have a purpose and that my purpose is to
help serve others, protect and care for those who are around me and for those I do not know. It is God
who showed me the way to come to this Country, city, church and to this platform. It will also be He who
I will trust to give me the words I will tell you today.

As the moderator Mr. Guled Kassim, who introduced me said, my name is Obang Metho and I represent a
small organization called the Anuak Justice Council. The Anuak, the ethnic group I came from, are a tiny
minority group found in Ethiopia and Sudan. They are ignored by the country in which they live. Most
have not had the opportunity to get an education and have been neglected in most every other area as
well. With that, I would like to say that even though governments or systems deny people access to
opportunities, God has room for everybody, from the minority to the majority. It is because of God’s
power, that even though I have been denied many opportunities, yet it is He that has made it possible for
me to here.

It is He that took me from that place of isolation and marginalization to come to this place where I would
never have envisioned; neither would those who denied me basic opportunities. God can overcome any
obstacles man has created. Instead, I am here to talk about the human rights crisis in Ethiopia. I will
include the crisis of all in Ethiopia because I cannot talk regarding the death of the Anuak and not
mention the deaths of the other Ethiopians of other ethnic groups. If I fail to mention them, I will be doing
injustice to the families of those who were killed in other places. This is especially true as I am speaking
on this stage where Dr. King spoke regarding injustice.

When he was alive and spoke about injustice, he did not preach about one tribe, one ethnic group, one
race or one color, but he spoke for the whole human race. He did not belong to one tribe and if he had a
tribe, it would be the tribe of human kind! That is what he died for and that is what he would have wanted
those to do who have come after him. Again, I appreciate everybody in this room and when I look at
everybody here, I see all of us are equal human beings who are seeking justice and peace for all, not only
in Ethiopia and Africa, but also in the United States and around the world.

I first got involved in human rights because of the atrocities that were committed by Ethiopian National
Defense forces against the Anuak. This happened three years ago and since then, I have been advocating
not for the rights of the dead, but for the rights of the living. I cannot do anything to bring back the lives
of those who died, but I can do something to protect those who are still living or who are still to be born,
from being killed and this is the reason why we are in this sacred place today. As you can see us today,
we all look different because we are from different ethnic groups, but we are the same people and are here
representing different organizations and political groups, but what joins us is our desire and commitment
to finding a solution to the crisis in Ethiopia that will bring the peace and freedom for which we long.
To my African American brothers and sisters, it means a lot to be invited to this symposium. It tells us
you are willing to work with us to find a solution to injustice, not only in Ethiopia, but also around the
continent. Your invitation is more than welcome. The African has been waiting for such an opportunity
for a long time. Thank you for making this happen, but I would also want to tell you that you are coming
to this struggle late as you all know.

Our mother continent of Africa remains the poorest continent in the world in terms of education, health
care, income level and overall well-being, despite being one of the richest continents in terms of natural
resources. In the age we are in, all we know of today’s Africa is misery, pain, suffering, death, killing,
rape and of many, many more critical problems. Many people do not want to hear about it or are even
ashamed of being from Africa after seeing what is going on there.

One has to ask why this is all happening and when it will end, if ever! To me, it will not end without all
Africans joining together and finding a meaningful ways to discover who we are. We are now in an age
where Africans are killing other Africans. Why is this happening more than it did a hundred years ago?
We are in an age where people go from home to home, pulling out fellow human beings, killing them
without any remorse. We are in an age where women have been raped in front of their children and
husband. We have lost touch with a sense of our humanity. Many will suggest various reasons for this,
but I believe it is because we have lost our spiritual connection with God and in losing that connection,
we have lost our morality with it.

People have become mechanical. They have lost the fear that there is someone bigger than themselves
that will hold them accountable for their actions. They think they can do anything and get away with it.
They may have forgotten that God will find them accountable even if they can circumvent the laws of
men. This attitude prevails with the elite leaders at the top positions in Africa, but it also reaches to many
of the people at the bottom. It has become part of our society. This is why you now hear of a soldier
raping a child and not feeling guilty—or of the leader of a country or a commander of the army, ordering
someone to be shot dead. Neither the person who pulled the trigger nor the person who gave the order
shows any remorse.

We think we can be fulfilled by short-lived pleasures such as money, luxuries, cars, bank accounts or
power. Outsiders from multi-corporations or countries, many with strong self-interests, can easily create
partnerships with such leaders. Because neither they nor the leaders fear God, they will exploit their own
citizens and to maintain their power and profit, they will divide the people or the tribe to weaken any
possibility of united resistance.

In Africa today, lots of wars and human rights abuses cause many people to die while at the same time,
someone is making money from it. To change such injustice, it will require a spiritual and moral
transformation. The people of Africa must take back responsibility, yet Africans cannot do it alone. The
African American has to join. The peace-loving human beings of any race or ethnic group must join—like
Caucasians, Asians, Arabs, Hispanics and all human kind who value fellow human beings. We have to
recover our humanity. We must recover our morality, regardless of what our religion is. We must recover
or discover the God who created us.

I urge you, my fellow African Americans, to join with us as we struggle to find a way to transform Africa.
The Africans need you. They need you right now. If Dr. Martin Luther King Jr would come here today,
he would ask so many questions. He would ask not only the African Americans, but also all human kind,
what is going on? He would ask—where were you when the genocide was taking place in Rwanda, in
Darfur and in many, many places? He would ask the African American—what have you done for the poor
black people in America, for the people in the Sudan and so on. He would urge you to help and to become
part of the struggle he started and died for.

So my appeal to you, my African American brothers and sisters, is to come and join the Africans who are
trying to ease the pain for other Africans who are suffering and who cannot speak up for themselves.
To conclude my points, we were called here to talk about the human rights issues of Ethiopia and how we
can resolve it. The problem of Ethiopia, to give some background, is a problem created by the ruling
government. The government of Ethiopia has stayed in power by the power of guns for 17 years. Within
these 17 years, they have not brought what they had promised—freedom, democracy and development.
What they have brought to their people instead is disaster, misery and death.

My own people, the Anuak, were victims of such deaths at the hands of the government of Ethiopia. On
December 13, 2003, 424 innocent civilians were killed by the government’s own security forces,
accompanied by some civilian militia groups that they had incited. At the time, many Anuak fled to
Sudan for safety.

Over 4000 Anuak remain in Sudan as refugees even now. One thousand more were imprisoned and
remain so today. The condition of the people has not improved, yet, to make matters worse, no one has
been found accountable for these killings.

The year of 2005 was a historic year for the Ethiopian people. It was the year of a national election where
an actual alternative to the ruling party was running in opposition, giving the people a choice. Many were
excited as international observers came to observe the election to ensure its legitimacy. The leaders of the
Opposition Party were educated Ethiopians who had lived in America and had gone back to Ethiopia to
run for election by first establishing a new political party, seriously challenging the ruling party for the
first time.

During the election, 26 million people, or 95% of all eligible voters, went to vote. When the election
finished, the ballots were first counted in the capital city of Addis Ababa and out of 24 seats, 23 of them
went to the Opposition Party. When the ruling party realized they were losing, they declared themselves
winners of the election before all the votes were counted from different regions. The Opposition party
protested and when many young students and others protested in a demonstration, the government’s
security forces shot and killed 193 of them in June and November. The election observers, including the
Carter Center in Atlanta and observers from the European Union, had concluded that the election failed to
meet international standards. The Opposition leaders, actually elected as parliamentarians, were arrested
in November of 2005 and charged with fabricated charges of genocide.

Now, over a year has passed since the elected parliamentarians were imprisoned and the international
community is not doing a lot about it. The country has now deteriorated into a police state. The Ethiopian
public does not support their government, yet the government is staying in power because they have the
guns and the military under their control—at least for now.

What is happening in Ethiopia today is the apartheid of 2007. Most of the US and other western
government policy makers know exactly what is going on in Ethiopia, but most have not taken
meaningful action. This is why we are here to tell you exactly what is going on in Ethiopia.
When Nelson Mandela was in prison, the civil rights groups in the US rallied. Some of you who rallied
then might include some of you who are sitting here today. You rallied for the release of Mandela even
though the US government’s administration at the time was supporting the apartheid government in South
Africa, This is very similar to what is going on now in Ethiopia today.

The current Ethiopian ruling government is supported by the US government because they are partners in
the War on Terror. But the African Americans have not been supporting the human rights activists—the
Mandelas of Ethiopia—who are fighting for the lives and freedom of the people. This is why I am asking
you to take on this case like you did the case of the people of South Africa. There are so many similarities
to it. The Ethiopian public wants their leaders to be released and they would want peace-loving people to
come to their aid to help them.

You need to remember what Dr. King said about this. He inspired many to action when he said, “Injustice
anywhere is a threat to justice everywhere.” If he were here today, I am convinced he would want all the
peace loving people to be on the side of the Ethiopians wanting peace, freedom and justice.
My message to African American brothers and sisters is this—let us not only celebrate the birthday of
Martin Luther King, Jr., but let us celebrate his message. Furthermore, let us not only celebrate this
message, but let us pass it on. We need to take more action and make fewer speeches. We need to build
more concrete roads and bridges that will take us to villages of love, peace, caring and harmony instead of
using old and failing bridges and highways that would take us to destruction and killing.

We need to build and name a school after Dr. King that teaches peace and love instead of one that teaches
hate and division. He would want us to be in a circle of love that would create a circle of unity. Such unity
should not be for just one group, but it should be spread around the globe. Then, let these circles
symbolize the globe that holds all human beings together in one world.

To the Ethiopian brothers and sisters—we need peace-loving people to work together with us. We need to
stop name-calling and whining. Instead, we need to take action.

To my African Americans sisters and brothers—Africans need you and you need the Africans. A world
without Africa would not be a perfect world.

Let what we do here today be like the flame from a candle that illuminates the dark room. Let these
flames from our actions that illuminate that dark room, spread its brightness over the entirety of the dark
continent of Africa making it glow with the warm light that reaches the dark corners of our universe.
Right now, it is our hope and vision to lift our heavy burdens from us. We have a massive rock put on top
of our continent, weighing us down. Everyone in that continent is feeling the weight of this heavy rock,
but I want to remind you that there is a spot on that rock where each of us can place our individuals
hands, slowly pushing this rock off of us before it crushes us all. Together, as we take hold to remove this
rock, we will find our strength, persistence and ability to do it if we look to God for guidance and help.
With God’s help, we can remove this rock.

Then, from under the rock, we will plant a new seed and see a healthy tree rise up. Soon that tree will
produce many branches and on those branches will come abundant fruit that will be relished by not only
those who have planted it, but by those who see it, pass by or eat from it. All human kind will be part of
that. May you reach out to that rock right now and take a firm hold and not stop until we can enjoy that
fruit of love, peace and justice together as we feast as one family around the table.

Stand up and start walking for freedom, peace, justice and equality! As you do, you will find others in
front of you, behind you and at your side. Do not look back— Keep your eyes ahead! Keep on talking!
Keep on walking! May God bless you as you take this walk! May God bless you all and may the march of
Dr. King live on as long as we live on this globe. May his message of love, peace and caring continue to
illuminate an internal light that never dies.

Thank you

By Mohamed Diriye Abdullahi
Hargeisa, Somaliland

When the Americans went to Mogadishu in 1992, they thought pacifying it would be a piece of cake: they had the personnel, the armor and the financial resources. They also had a false of sense of confidence in themselves and brushed aside all the advice for caution coming from many quarters, including the Italians who had colonized Somalia. The result was an insurgency that ended in a hasty withdrawal of American forces. That was in 1994.

Now we have a much poorer country, a much less equipped army inside the vast city of Mogadishu. So what can one say of Meles’ adventure in Somalia? The cliché “fools rush in where angels dare to tread” says it all.

Some would say, given the colossal cost of keeping a wartime army in Somalia as well as the thinning out of his forces actually means the bells are pealing loud and clear for Meles, the worst dictator in the Horn of Africa. And what a dictator? This is the man that sent his goons to kill the students at Addis Ababa University, the man who rigged the last elections and shot into the protesting crowds. But what can you expect of a man who just loves to be in the seat of power forever until his death or forced removal.

It is said his love of power began a long time ago, according to a story a museum keeper in Addis Ababa who told me (I hope that Meles’ thugs will not go out to cut the ears of all museum personnel in Addis Ababa). This is how it went. One day a very young Meles was walking near Menelik’s palace in Addis Ababa. Young Meles looked at the house of Menelik and said, “Mom, I want that house.” “Hush,” said the mother. “That is the house of the Emperor, and you cannot sit in it.” At that, young Meles cried and cried with tears rolling down his cheeks, to the utter consternation of his mother. Then suddenly, he stopped crying and said, “I am going to sit in that house when I grow up.” And guess who is sitting now in Menelik’s house? Will Meles ever quit Menelik’s house so it can be turned into a museum of Ethiopian history?

That is for Meles. And now Gedi, the so-called “prime minister” of the so-called Provisional Government of Somalia. I listened to his recent statements on the BBC Somali Service, after the Ethiopian [Woyanne] forces had routed the militias of the Islamic courts. Previously, I had never paid much attention to this man for the simple reason that I felt that I had no need to look into the composition of that foreign-appointed clique that was more something to laugh at than anything else, until Meles gave it a victory over the Islamic Courts.

It is said that a man, whether a general, a statesman or politician, reveals his inner most character when at war. War is a brutal endeavor but brutes reveal their brutishness when they win a war. A great man who wins a war shows magnanimity and generosity to those he defeats in war; he also knows that you never really win a war without also winning the peace. In contrast, a brute shows his teeth and avows vengeance. And that is exactly what Mr. Gedi did. Concerning the remaining Islamist forces, he said and I quote, “CAGTA AYAANU MARINAYNAA” (WE WILL CRUSH THEM UNDER THE FEET), concerning Somaliland, a peaceful republic that had reverted to its sovereign status of 1960, he said that it does not exist, which means he is hoping that he will also have it crushed under the feet.

I will not say much about the rest of the so-called Provisional (Federal) Government. (Actually, the ‘federal’ part is a misnomer. It has no federal pact with the only other constituent of the Somali Republic of 1960, which is Somaliland.) Suffice to say that its so-called president, the ailing Col. Abdullahi Yusuf (The Reptilian Colonel) is a hyena, while his so-called prime minister, Mr. Gedi, can be likened to a jackal. Now both the hyena and the jackal are in league with the king of the beasts of the Horn of Africa, Mr. Meles. God save all the peoples of the suffering Horn of Africa!

I conclude this article by repeating what I have previously said elsewhere. Namely:

1. Supporting Meles’ adventure in Somalia is counterproductive, and will not serve the interests of any nation, including the US and Britain, reported to be supporting Meles’ politics at this time.

2. The so-called Provisional Government of Somalia should be disbanded; to replace it, a fresh genuine conference of Somali communities should be held inside Somalia, not in another foreign capital to avoid another foreign-appointed government for Somalia.

3. The people of Somaliland should be rewarded for their positive contribution to the Horn of Africa; they have created the only truly democratic and peaceful society in the Horn of Africa. They deserve international recognition and support. To deny them such a reward is tantamount to opening another war in the Horn of Africa, one that will dwarf the current one.

Mohamed Diriye Abdullahi is a Somali scholar, linguist, historian, and former journalist. He was written among others, “Parlons Somali,” L’Harmattan, Paris, 1996; “The Culture and Customs of Somalia,” Greenwood Press, Westport, 2001; “The US-UN Fiasco in Somalia,” Africa Institute of South Africa, Pretoria, 1995.

We had been told by Prime Beggar Meles Zenawi and his cheerleader in the U.S. State Department, Ms. Jendayi Frazer, that the Somali Islamist Courts Union (ICU) is a terrorist group, Taliban-like, linked with al Qaeda, etc. After several months of orchestrated propaganda campaign, with the wilful collaboration of the major news agencies like AP, Reuters, and BBC, the Woyanne leader unleashed his weapons of mass killing (jets and tanks) against a few thousand poorly trained, lightly armed Islamist militia. The Woyanne army had reportedly received assistance in the form of bird’s-eye-view intelligence from U.S. military assets in the region. It was a high-tech, U.S.-sanctioned war against a rag-tag militia. So now the battle–not the war–is almost over, what was achieved? And what have we learned?

1) Meles Zenawi is shown to be a liar whose words can not be taken seriously. Until Woyanne jets bombed Mogadishu airport, Meles was telling the world (Jun 27, Aug 2) that there were only “a few Ethiopian military advisors” in Somalia.

2) Despite the claim by Meles and Jendayi, the ICU turned out not to be a terrorist organization. The Europeans didn’t think so. Even the U.S. Director of National Intelligence, Ambassador John Negroponte, didn’t agree. If the ICU were a terrorist organization, they would have turned Mogadishu into a blood bath like Baghdad. Instead, they have abandoned their weapons and instructed their fighters to stand down. They left Mogadishu in order to save their people from being massacred by the blood-thirsty Woyanne army that has demonstrated its willingness to shoot 12-year-old children in the back.

3) The ICU leaders proved themselves to be respectable Somali citizens with compassion for their people. They have tried to bring stability to their long-suffering country in their own way-through religious order–and they almost succeeded. Meles and his Woyanne thugs, on the other hand, did not even have to be surrounded by a superior force to turn Addis Ababa into a blood bath in June and November, 2005. The atrocities Meles and his Woyanne forces have carried out against the people of Ethiopia can only be compared to–even worse in many ways than–what Mussolini did in the 1930s. Indeed, the only terrorist organization in the region is Woyanne, as once classified by the U.S. Home Land Security’s National Counter Terrorism Center.

4) All the lies fed to the world by Meles and Jendayi that there were foreign fighters in Somalis have been exposed. The truth came out now that the only foreign fighters in Somalis were Woyannes.

Military and political analysts had warned the U.S. Government to distance itself from the desperate dictator. Gregory H. Winger, a senior research assistant at the National Defense Council Foundation, had warned in Sep 2006:

An anti-Islamist war in Somalia would enable Zenawi to position himself as a key ally in the war on terror. Zenawi reasons that if his country plays an essential role in supporting Somalia’s transitional government against the ICU, the United States will provide economic and diplomatic support, despite other objections to Ethiopia’s policies. All Zenawi has to do is wait for civil war in Somalia to reignite – an outcome made more likely by his deployment of troops. America is prepared to help governments in need of assistance, but this aid should not go to a leader eager to spark an unnecessary war. Only when Ethiopia proves itself to be a supporter of progress in the horn of Africa, and a true ally of America in its conduct of both its foreign and domestic affairs, should it enjoy the rewards of American friendship. Until then, the US must show Ethiopia and the world that America refuses to define its allies based solely on whom they battle against, and that fighting in the war on terror merely out of self-interest is not a quick way to curry favor.

It has been clear to any one who is willing to find out the truth that the ICU were indeed never a threat to any one–except to the corrupt Somali transitional government headed by a former Siad Barre colonel. The stand taken by the Ethiopian opposition parties, the independent media, such as Ethiopian Review, Ethiopian scholars, and commentators against the war has been vindicated.

5) The Woyanne invasion of Somalia has exposed many individuals who were claiming to be opponents of the fascist regime. They exposed themselves to be either politically naive, or have a soft heart for Woyanne. They were just looking for some excuse to jump on the Woyanne bandwagon.

After shutting down all independent newspapers in the country, blocking access to web journals, and jailing journalists, the Woyannes have unleashed an intense worldwide propaganda campaign to convince Ethiopians and the world that the U.S. and Ethiopia are facing a threat from Islamic terrorists. Not surprisingly, a few gullible Ethiopians and others were duped. It is excusable for politically unsophisticated persons to be persuaded by such propaganda. But for U.S. officials such as Jendayi Frazer, it should be unacceptable. Ethiopian-Americans and every one who stands for peace and justice need to urge their Senators and Congressman to demand the immediate resignation of Jendayi Frazer from her position as chief of U.S. policy on Africa.

Ethiopians currently find themselves under the brutal occupation of the Woyanne murderers and looters while the legitimate leaders of Ethiopia are languishing in Woyanne jails. If there is any war, it should be against the Woyanne occupation forces. Let’s intensify support to our freedom fighters–EPPF, ENUF, OLF, and ONLF.

After terrorizing the people of Ethiopia for the past 15 years, Woyannes are exporting their brand of terrorism to a neighboring country. It is therefore necessary for Ethiopians around the world to start coordinating their struggle with Somalis and other people of the region.

By Rachel Lewis

In a country where politics is regarded as a man’s domain, Ethiopian women are leading the struggle against tyranny, writes KE’s Women’s Affairs correspondent Rachel Lewis.

A woman in her twenties walks on a muddy path sporadically speckled with red sand and reaches her destination. The way she respires betrays excitement. She wears black gown and carries a cake, gift wrapped with greaseproof paper and ribbons. A group of people follow her, their faces knotted with utter exhilaration. It is Lidya’s graduation day and family members have gathered to celebrate the achievements of their beloved daughter, niece and sister. There is food, and smiles and laughter all around. As her mother looks on, beaming tearfully with pride, the new graduate excitedly discusses her plans for the future amidst the well-meaning interjections of her gathered relatives and friends.

This scene should ring familiar to anyone who has ever attended a graduation celebration. What makes this a rather unique and remarkable celebration is that it is being held in Kaliti Federal Prison in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, during the strict one-hour visitation period allotted the nation’s political prisoners. Kaliti prison is a collection of wide hovels made of corrugated iron and concrete. The celebration is taking place at the stand where prisoners meet their relatives during the visitation hours. It is unbearably hot by the sweltering midday sun, which followed the morning drizzle. There are no decorations and music is prohibited, though a few defiant relatives absently hum quiet refrains, while wild mice scurry underfoot in fierce competition for the leftover crumbs of the modest graduation feast. In a few moments time, the ‘10-minute warning’ will be announced by the head guard over a crackling loud-speaker and the celebrations will immediately come to a close—dishes and leftovers are hurriedly stuffed back into bags, goodbyes exchanged, and palms pressed. Mother and daughter stand face to face, in a final private moment—the mother bravely smiles, her repeated congratulations punctuated by the sobs that rack her small frame, while the daughter nods and whispers words of comfort as she turns to leave, masking the pain of goodbye with a maturity far beyond her years.

The unexpected festivities came as a wonderful surprise to federal prisoner Nigist Gebrehiwot, 48, who was unable to attend the graduation ceremony of her only daughter in July 2006. This high school arts teacher and mother of three remains one of the political prisoners who languish here, arrested in November 2005 during the sweeping government crackdown following ast year’s contested elections. For thirteen months she has been confined to a cell occupied by 70 other women, accused of treason and ‘attempts to incite genocide’—charges which, if upheld, carry sentences of life-imprisonment and even the death penalty. The human-rights organization Amnesty International calls Nigist and fellow treason defendants “prisoners of conscience…imprisoned solely on account of their non-violent opinions and activities”. Yet they continue to await sentencing in a political trial widely condemned for its ‘failure to observe internationally recognized standards of fair trial before impartial and independent judges.’

Nigist is one of the less known figures among the defendants. However, when she speaks she is startlingly eloquent, passionate and packages her messages with a gloss of romantic optimism. “We have seen how passionate people are about their freedom. They (the government) could not force us to live long like this,“ she says with a defiant note to her sound. The trial is great mockery of justice for her. “There is no evidence against us,” Nigist states simply. “We campaigned and won the election according to the law of the country. We didn’t try to oust the government unconstitutionally. We didn’t even ask the government to step down though we knew we won the election. We (instead) raised issues of building democratic institutions; to make sure that what happened in the election of last year would not be repeated…So the trial is political. They (the government) arrested us because the people were with us, and they wanted to keep power at any cost for many, many years to come.”

A passionate defender of individual rights, Nigist was one of the founders of Ethiopian Human Rights Council, the first national institution dedicated to investigating and documenting abuses of individual rights. EHRCO was dismissed by EPRDF as tool for the opposition and treated as an enemy. Nigist learnt her lessons. She jettisoned her view that change can come without political struggle and jumped to the frying pan that is Ethiopian politics. In August 2004, she became one of the first registered members of the Kestedemena opposition party, a member of the Coalition for Unity and Democracy, Ethiopia’s biggest political party. As a paid party organizer, She went on to play an integral role in designing election strategy with Dr. Berhanu Nega and, three months after the elections, was voted to the Central Council of CUDP.

Daily life for this politician has since grown uncomfortably stagnant within the prison confines, and the anguish of being removed from her family continues to wear upon her and the children. Following the death of her husband, Negist assumed the responsibility of sole breadwinner and her lengthy detention has placed the family under great financial strain. The mental health of her two sons has signficantly deteriorated over the past year and she is forced to continually worry about their condition. “My imprisonment is a big cost for my boys,” she explains. “They are having a hard time taking the injustice. But my daughter is now a mother, and she is getting stronger and stronger every day.”

Nearby, a woman dressed in caramel-colored coat talks with her mother in Tigrigna. Her cheer exhibits a deliberate attempt to defy her sad reality. Living in the same overcrowded cell as Nigist, this young mother struggles with the agony of being separated from her only child. Serkalem Fasil, 32, journalist and former owner of three prominent independent national newspapers, has also been imprisoned here for over a year without charge.

Prison baby

At four months pregnant, she was arrested along with her husband, journalist Eskinder Nega, for publishing materials severely critical of the government. On Tuesday, November 1 2005, their offices were searched and the next day security forces were dispatched to arrest the couple in their home. Upon arrival, they discovered that the pair had already escaped and gone into hiding. Instead, her mother was taken hostage and held in custody for five days while the pictures of the couple were broadcast on national television, accompanied by a public arrest warrant and a statement denouncing them as dangerous criminals. For three weeks they remained in hiding, during which time her closest brother was arrested and then released, only to inadvertently lead government agents who were assigned to track down the ‘fugitives’ to their hiding spot.

In the months that followed, Serkalem endured a difficult pregnancy within the Squalid conditions of her cell—forced to cope alone with the wildly fluctuating temperatures of the tropics and frequent prison outbreaks of lice and infectiousdisease. Despite such hardship, she continued to display remarkable courage, regularly appearing in court with her head held high, rising with the other defendants at the bench when requested even during the final stages of her third trimester. According to Amnesty reports, she was denied sufficient medical and pre-natal care throughout the pregnancy, and eventually gave birth to her son in the undesirable conditions of the police hospital under 24-hour official guard.

What should have been one of the most joyous occasions in this new mother’s life—that special bonding period that initially occurs between a mother and her child–was quickly cut short; following the birth, she was permitted to remain in the hospital with her son for only two weeks before he was removed from her care and placed with relatives. Consequently, the baby became seriously ill in the premature absence of conjugal feeding and Serkalem soon fell into a deep depression, unable to bear the separation from her husband and newborn child.

Though her spirits have since lifted, the imprisoned journalist deeply regrets being denied the opportunity to care for her son during the earliest months of his life–forced instead to determine his characteristics, behavior, sounds and developments from fleeting visits, the reports of relatives and her imagination. The circumstances facing these two women seem impossibly unjust. Yet reports after reports have concluded that theirs is a story that has become increasingly common throughout this Sub-Saharan nation—and exist among thousands of others similarly persecuted by the current regime.

According to recent global governance indicators, the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), under the leadership of Prime Minister Meles Zenawi, ranks among the most corrupt in the world—internationally condemned for escalating government-led human rights abuses and ongoing suppression of legitimate political activities. Following the widely disputed elections of last year, the government launched a massive campaign against freedom of expression–banning all independent media and expelling a foreign correspondent from the country. During demonstrations in both June and November 2005, police opened fire on the unarmed protesters, killing over 193 men, women and children and wounding hundreds more. An estimated 30, 000 citizens were subsequently rounded up and imprisoned throughout the country—scholars, professors, civil service workers, students, prominent social leaders and the majority of the CUDP leadership.

Despite such widespread oppression, the peaceful internal struggle for democracy continues, led, in part, by a growing number of women—mothers, grandmothers, lawyers, teachers, journalists, doctors, members of civil society and political leaders—determined to pave the way of freedom for the generations to come. One such prominent leader is Bertukan Mideska, 32, the young and charismatic former federal judge and Kinijit Vice-Chairperson arrested and imprisoned in November 2005. At age 25, she was one of the youngest women in Ethiopian history to run for Parliament. She ran independently with anti-corruption platform. Election observers claimed that the ruling party cheated her out of winning.

Birtukan rose to national prominence as a judge presiding over a high-profile case between Meles Zenawi and the former Minister of Defense (on trial for ‘corruption’, following the TPLF split). In an unprecedented act of defiance, she released the defendant on bail, citing lack of sufficient evidence to deny him bail despite being strictly ordered by the Prime Minister to do so. The news of the courageous young woman who dared to uphold the independence of the law, quickly spread throughout the country and Bertukan immediately became a national role model and hero.

Today, however, this energetic woman remains confined in Kaliti prison, held captive with dozens of violent criminals in a single, crowded cell. It is here that she too has spent the past year of her life, forced for now from the political arena. Although the current national crisis continues to occupy her attention, she, as of late, has been increasingly plagued by mounting personal concerns. As the sole-breadwinner and primary care-giver of her elderly mother, half-sister and young daughter, Bertukan continually worries about their provision in her absence. Her family is now surviving on the dwindling sum of money she saved prior to her imprisonment and though currently also assisted by the generosity of neighbors friends and CUDP supporters in the Diaspora and here, her mother is fearful, confiding, “When her savings run out, I don’t know what we’ll do.”

In addition to worrying about their financial security, Bertukan finds being apart from her daughter increasingly difficult now, as each day serves to deprive her of another precious memory of her childhood. The little girl is brought to the prison during the designated visiting hour every Sunday afternoon and appears to recognize the woman behind bars, but her grandmother quietly admits that the child “does not know her mother anymore”.

Lawyer’s treasury

For a brief political career, Bertukan’s contributions have proven incredibly significant. As a result of her historical verdict as federal judge in April 2002, she was repeatedly passed over for promotion, and consequently decided to move into private law practice, where her services became instantly in high demand. As an accomplished criminal lawyer, she reportedly took on many cases ‘pro-bono’during this period, much to the chagrin of her colleagues. Following last year’s elections, she volunteered her services to represent the official opposition and, due to her skill and dedication, was soon invited to join the party. Almost immediately, she was promoted to Member of the Executive Committee of the coalition Rainbow Party and in September 2005 was elected as the Vice-Chairperson of the CUDP.

Bertukan is widely recognized for her social awareness, bravery, compassion, personal work-ethic, and exemplary leadership style—strictly principled yet gently compromising. This unique blend of characteristics lead to a tremendous regard and love for her within the community, evidenced most clearly by the monumental sacrifices made on her behalf in attempt to protect her from arrest. When police first arrived at her family home in the Ferensai Legacion area of the city, neighbors quickly surrounded her residence in protest. “Almost immediately….our neighbors came to protect Bertukan”, her mother recounted, “they threw stones at the soldiers…trying to chase them away”. She was nonetheless arrested in another place that afternoon along with CUDP leader and renowned human-rights advocate Professor Mesfin Woldemariam. When security forces returned the next day with Bertukan in custody to search the premises of her home, they found hundreds of people gathered there, demanding her immediate release. Fierce clashes broke out between the policemen and the protestors, amidst chants of praise for the Ethiopian heroine, and five people were killed by police-fire before (to prevent further bloodshed) Bertukan finally convinced her supporters to allow her to go to prison.

Although daily life spent among criminals remains, admittedly, a “great personal challenge”, such overwhelming national love and sacrifice has remained with Bertukan throughout her confinement. As a “firm believer in the human spirit”, she remains determined not to let the ongoing conflicts regularly witnessed between inmates diminish her enthusiasm for her fellow brothers and sisters, constantly reminding herself “that there is a better world out there, with better human beings”. According to close friends, she chooses to spend most of her time reading her favorite subjects of politics, religion and philosophy, and, despite repeated threats from prison administration (including permanent handcuffs and solitary confinement), has managed to smuggle out two open letters penned from her cell, which were subsequently published in various online international media sources. The first, Letter From Kaliti jail, was written in the spirit of Martin Luther King’s famous Letter from Birmingham Jail. It was an eloquent portrayal of her personal experience and unwavering commitment to the nation’s quest for democratic rule; in it she reveals,“…Indeed, living behind bar is painful. I have felt pained, when hearing about the struggle of my fellow countrymen; for being forced to experience it all vicariously, for being near but far away from the terrain of the fight. Yet the pain ends right there. Our incarceration hasn’t liquidated the spirit of freedom. Instead, it degrades those who are fighting against it into something hateful and undignified… Toughened by the crack down on dissent and other forms of oppression, other democrats, genuinely committed to the cause of liberty and equality are emerging… Thinking of that, even within the confinement of my cell, is a pleasant captivity.”

Taking rights seriously

“Tough” seems an unlikely adjective to describe the soft-spoken, 52-year-old Mulunesh Abebayehu—former school-teacher and mother of five. Yet even after enduring seven months in federal prison without charge, and ongoing government surveillance that has left her fearing for her life, this resilient woman refuses to back down from her role in the nation-wide quest for freedom. She is but another unlikely hero of Ethiopia’s peaceful political struggle—mother, breadwinner, opposition party member and ongoing victim of government persecution, who continues to sacrifice much in hopes of democratic transition. As one who grew up in a generation where politics was exclusively considered a “man’s business”, Mulunesh Abebeyhu serves as a shining testament to this country’s changing circumstances. Despite increasing harassment and the recent denial of asylum abroad, she continues to speak candidly with international human rights workers and foreign journalists at every opportunity–a rare demonstration of courage in a land where such freedom of expression is ‘unofficially’ punishable by death. When asked to explain the reason for her continued pursuit of democracy, her answer is straightforward: “I love my country. And I follow its history. The constitution says that every person can enjoy and participate in politics, so if they pronounce rights on paper, why don’t they respect them?”

Three months after the elections, Mulunesh was arrested and incarcerated in Ziway Federal Prison (widely-considered a concentration camp)–accused of slander and various acts of civil disobedience. She was forced to inhabit a cell with 86 other women. During her confinement, she witnessed the torture of several prisoners and was herself physically abused on two occasions, in addition to being repeatedly punished in solitary confinement. With a shudder she recalls her days in captivity, telling of the rats that regularly bit the feet of the women as they slept, and the foul prison food she was forced to consume: “They gave us water, shiro wot (a type of stew) and injera (traditional bread)…but the injera had small stones in it, so you often could not eat it…Even the Red Cross worker who tasted the bread…could not eat it!”

After being imprisoned for more than half a year without trial (in three different locations), Mulenesh finally decided to take measures into her own hands, and embarked on a five-day personal hunger strike, which left her critically ill. She was taken to the police hospital where she spent two days before she was summoned and released without charge—carrying a signed letter from the Ministry of Justice which bore the ominous warning that she could again be arrested and detained “at any time”.

Upon release, she discovered that she had been demoted without explanation from her former teaching position of over 30 years (as an eigth-grade civics teacher) to a grade four classroom and transferred to a district far from her home. Working conditions soon became impossible for her to bear; the school director allegedly followed her “step by step” throughout the day for months and she was severely ostracized by the entire staff due to her political affiliations. One man was reportedly beaten by police for simply speaking with her. She was finally left with no option but to retire, and now faces the daunting task of supporting her family on a pension of less than half her former salary. Her husband is also retired, unable to work due to health problems, and Mulunesh is worried that she will be unable to feed her youngest daughter (an orphan she took into her home a decade ago) and continue to send her to school.

Mulunesh is, doubtless, happy to be released from prison. Nevertheless, she continues to face severe harassment on a regular basis, and has consequently chosen to live under self-imposed house arrest. She most regrets the toll that her political opinions have taken on her family. Most of her relatives now want nothing to do with her, and her children have fled the family home, fearing that police forces will return during the night to tear their family apart for a second time.

In speaking of the further struggle that inevitably lies ahead, her voice drops to barely above a whisper, “As I look at things now,” she explains, “democracy will not come soon to Ethiopia. It may take one century. The Derg professed democracy without implementing it. We have also seen no real change since this government came to power…I know democracy, but it does not work in practice here. Sometimes I fear that my children and even my children’s children will not see it.” Mulunesh’s uncertain future hasn’t changed her unwavering commitment. “What more can happen?” she reasons. “They already took me to prison…but I am still here talking face to face. I am not afraid for myself…but I want to save my children…I fear that my politics is a risk to them.”

Women raise the mantle of freedom

The lives of these women—Negist, Serkalim, Bertukan, and Mulunesh–who dared to envison a country where infants are no longer torn from their mother’s grasp and individual rights and freedoms are upheld, stand testament to the vital, but often forgotten, role occupied by the brave women behind Ethiopia’s current political struggle.

Being born a woman in the Horn of Africa is sadly often considered to be a curse. Throughout this populous, poverty-stricken region, women traditionally assume the majority of hard labor in addition to raising the children. Despite often serving as the sole provider for the family, spousal abuse is common and gender mutilation is still widely practiced in many countries. Modern Ethiopia is no exception. In the rural regions of this country, girls are continually discriminated against from birth, often denied educational opportunities (and thus desirable future employment) and forced into early “marriages of convenience”.

In recent years, however, this country has seen a tentative, gradual reversal of such conditions, beginning in the streets and homes of Addis, as many women now occupy positions in civil service, law, business and politics. Prior to the elections, women of all ages reportedly flocked from rural areas to attend organized “voter education seminars”, and later stood in queues for hours under the hot sun merely for the chance to vote. These women clearly demonstrate that the national struggle for democracy can no longer be considered the ‘existential struggle of an educated upper class’; stories of illiterate female household servants who stood alone all night guarding the ballot bags from potential vote-rigging are common, and thousands of women throughout the country have since followed their example, sacrificing their families, careers and even their lives for the cause.

Either directly, (as in the case of these four women) or otherwise through continued struggle for survival in the absence of husbands imprisoned or murdered by government forces, countless Ethiopian women have risen up from their traditional roles and ascribed social positions to strengthen and fuel the growing movement for democracy. Almost every household has a story of persecution and similarly unexpected bravery to tell—a poor and elderly mother who daily struggles to make the journey to federal prison to feed her son, the bright young woman left behind to juggle a career and raise her children alone, or the middle-aged mother struggling to learn a new craft after being suddenly forced to generate enough income to support her entire family. These are stories that need to be told again and again.