I will commence a hunger strike in front of the White House to get President Obama or someone from his administration to acknowledge Birtukan Mideksa as a prisoner of conscious and to call for her immediate release from wrongful imprisonment. Fighting for democracy and freedom have always been traditional American values and I will fight for these values for my Ethiopian brothers and sisters. Please join me in the hunger strike which will commence on May 3rd 2010. We can’t save the World but we can certainly do our part. – Chris Flaherty
Watch below the video of Chris Flaherty’s speech at the Horn of Africa Conference in the Washington Metro Area on April 11, 2010:
“The ultimate measure of a man is not where he stands in moments of comfort and conveniences, but where he stands at times of challenge and controversy.”
This is a quote from my biggest hero since childhood, Martin Luther King Jr. It was his movement that inspired me to make films documenting the pursuit of democracy and freedom on a World scale. My recent film, Migration of Beauty documents the historical events that led up to the tragic massacre of some 200 unarmed civilians during the 2005 Ethiopian elections. Out of this storm of tragedy rose one of the most promising leaders for Ethiopia’s future, BIRTUKAN MIDEKSA. Shortly after announcing her bid to run against the ruling party in the 2010 elections she was arrested and imprisoned, effectively eliminating any possibility of the ruling party, the EPRDF to lose the election.
Birtukan Mideksa has been declared a “PRISONER OF CONSCIOUS” by Amnesty International and shares the same status as imprisoned Burmese dissident AUNG SAN SUU KYI. President Obama has made a public statement affirming Aung San Suu Kyi’s status as a prisoner of conscious and called for her release. To date, President Obama or the U.S. State Department have not made any such statements concerning the plight of Birtukan Mideksa supposedly because of vested U.S. interest in the Horn of Africa. The Obama Administration is demonstrating their willingness to appease Meles Zenawi and his EPRDF ruling party for the sake fighting the war on terror, trading off the freedom of an entire nation of people.
For a long time, relations between Eritreans and Ethiopians were antagonistic, combative, competitive and aggressive. Our relation is unique in the fact that we love each other, enjoy each other’s company and, there is a genuine affection for each other. There has always been a respect and love for one another. We have always managed to work and coexist even when situations were at the height of intense conflicts during war times.
However, there is also a love-hate relationship; there is a scar and a history of bloodshed that span for decades. We have paid dearly with countless lives, millions displaced with untold loss, damage and destruction of property. We have squandered opportunities to raise the level and the standard of living for our peoples. We have lost tremendous amount of time without fruitful exchange of ideas that can better the way we live. We have simply wasted valuable time, resources and energy by channeling our energies into unproductive and negative ways.
After the war broke out in 1998, many lost the friendships that lasted for decades before. People argued at work, in their neighborhood and with their friends with hostility. That went-on until the election of 2005. In my view, that is when Ethiopian views started to shift. Because, all of a sudden, Eritrea became less important on their discussions for the future of Ethiopia were suddenly on the table. Soon after the election, the situation in Ethiopia started to tighten. After seeing a light at the end of the tunnel, many Ethiopians were shocked to find the light destroyed and the tunnel filled with smoke to the point that they can no longer see any light.
Right then, the world witnessed the history of Ethiopia unfolding. TPLF dangled some meat for all-to-think that they can have a piece of it, and when the crowed became hungry took-away the meat and, sent the crowd home disappointed and hopeless. That is what happened to the millions, which took to the streets with the hopes of bringing a lasting change for Ethiopia. From there, the situation worsened. Meles started killing people on the streets and placed those who can threaten his power in jail, indiscriminately.
Since then, Ethiopian attitude started to gradually-shift on how they viewed Eritrea as a nation, the people and the government of Eritrea. Many Ethiopians started to look at Eritrea as a viable option to help them on their struggle against the tyrannical regime in Ethiopia. However, the Diaspora-Ethiopian-community believed that they could get help from their US and European friends to pressure Meles and the TPLF. However, after countless hearings, extensive lobbying, demonstrations and other campaigns, the best it yielded was a congressional resolution that failed on the Senate. Ethiopians grew extremely frustrated as a result. They lost the ability to decent in Ethiopia and, when they fled to countries such as Kenya, Sudan and Djibouti they were handed back to Ethiopia by force.
As a result, the idea of working with Eritrea started to grow and became the new reality that Ethiopians needed to come to terms with. Some went to Eritrea from the US and other places to explore and came away feeling good about their trips. These individuals took a risk and paid a price. They were, ridiculed as agents of Shaebia, traitors and so on but they kept on going back for more. One of those trailblazers is Ato Demise Belete, who deserves praise for taking chances and for daring to take the step.
From 2006 until 2008, Ethiopians mulled the idea, flirted with the idea and started experimenting with the idea of working with Eritrea. Suddenly working with Eritrea started to enter into the conversation of mainstream Ethiopia as a major topic of discussion. This signaled a shift on attitude that Ethiopians no longer see Eritrea as threat.
At that moment, two bright individuals decided to conduct an interview with President Isaias by traveling to Eritrea. In preparation to that interview, they decided to engage Ethiopians and asked the question: “If you were to ask any question to President Isaias Afwerki, what would you ask”? The people gave Ethiopianreview.com (ER) the answers in the form of questions to President Isaias. ER made the answers public for all to see. By opening dialogue, these two individuals put hard issues on the table and gave people a chance to discuss it. Suddenly, nothing was a taboo regarding Eritrean and Ethiopian issues.
These two individuals are Ato Sileshi Tilahun and Ato Elias Kifle. They deserve tremendous praise for their vision, guts and for daring to ask all the questions on their mind and in the minds of millions of Ethiopians around the world. They asked President Isaias candidly. There were no limits on what they can ask. It was frank and the most candid exchange between journalists and a president I have ever witnessed. President Isaias gave honest answers, and in the process, he changed the minds of many and, they started to see Eritrea differently.
What that interview did, is crack a mountain. It opened a new path. It opened a channel of communication and gave assurance at the highest level; clarified Eritrean positions; empowered Ethiopians by giving them a new channel on their effort to challenge the TPLF gang. It also gave Ethiopians freedom to engage with Eritreans and to find ways that we can work together for mutual interest and benefit. It is from that interview onwards that Eritreans and Ethiopians started to seek partnerships with each other in meaningful ways.
Many may fail to see the importance of the interview. However, the interview created a shift on attitude and is changing the way we see each other. It has given all an option to work towards a common goal. It took the hostility away thus freeing people from anger and resentments they harbored for years. It lifted some of the burden so we can resume a life free from aggression and anger. That is true leadership at work.
From that point on, like-minded-people, from both sides decided to seek each other in an effort to work together. We have worked diligently to establish a working relationship in an effort to galvanize and bring Eritreans and Ethiopians together towards common goals and objectives. When the UNjust sanction 1907 came, many Ethiopians took a principled stand and decided to support Eritreans on their march. The TPLF wanted to sell that solidarity position as if Eritrea is seeking support from Ethiopians because Eritrea is desperate. The reality is, however, the channel of communication and the working-relationship started way before the sanction was on the picture.
The March and what it Meant
After the UNjust sanction measure passed, Eritreans went on full gear to stand against it. There was a limited time from the time Eritreans decided to march until of Feb 22. The decision to invite our Ethiopian sisters and brothers was unanimous. We invited them to give a voice of solidarity and they accepted. We did not seek numbers. All we asked was for representatives from various Horn of African communities to come and give their voice of solidarity.
They came and marched with us blanketed by a colorful Ethiopian flag. It looked and felt natural. Those who were there had the conviction and determination to stand with Eritreans confidently. After the march, they stood on the podium in front of the State Department and gave their voices of solidarity.
All those individuals that stood on the podium took a major step that will have a lasting impact on future relations. They deserve a big kudos for their efforts and sacrifices. The event turned out to be a historic moment in the new era of Eritrean Ethiopian understanding. There is no doubt that whatever relation grows from now on will come from that moment. There are many people worth mentioning however, for the sake of time, I will mention a true dynamo. Ethiopia is lucky to have him; a Community Organizer Extraordinaire Ato. Neamin Zeleke. He deserves tremendous praise and admiration for his determination, vision, bravery, brilliance and doggedness.
This is what the march achieved:
* Eritreans felt good to see Ethiopians in their midst. This is the first time in my life that I witnessed Eritreans and Ethiopians in an important event walking together in support of each other. It was historic and surreal.
* It was joyful to see the reaction of Eritreans as they welcomed their Ethiopian brothers and sisters because it was sincere.
* It showed that we do not have to fight and that we can work together.
* It introduced Ethiopians to Eritrean communities first-hand and, enabled them to see how Eritrean communities operate, in person.
* For the first time, Eritreans and Ethiopians have a legitimate way to reach out for one another using channels they can work with. In other words, a Weyane agent cannot claim to be Eritrean and fool any one because we have a legitimate link. For example, when the decision was-made to set this conference, Ethiopians knew whom to contact. That is important, because it streamlines the process. From now on, all we have to do is build on it.
* It gave the cancer of the Horn of Africa, Meles Zenawi and the TPLF gangs, many sleepless nights because Ethiopians are controlling their agenda and working with Eritreans openly.
The march was symbolic. It was a groundbreaking ceremony. It was a sign of a new day for Eritreans and Ethiopians. It was a moment that Ethiopians shed the past in an effort to move forward. It was also significant because it sent a message to all Ethiopians around the world that, they are welcome by Eritreans everywhere. It was simply magnificent and surreal to witness how Eritreans cheered all those who stood on the podium regardless of what language they used to address them.
The key, President Isaias said Eritreans and Ethiopians needed to talk to each other and work-together. Well, it must be clear to all Ethiopians by now; it is not just President Isaias who welcomed Ethiopians, but thousands of Eritreans welcomed Ethiopians indeed; and those that marched are a reflection of the entire Eritrean nation.
What next?
If the march was a groundbreaking ceremony, it means that we need to build a foundation. We need to build a foundation from concrete, steel and all the sturdy materials that make a foundation solid to the point that nothing can shake it loose.
That foundation needs to be principled and simple. It needs to embrace PEACE as a core- value. We need to embrace the idea of my-brothers-keeper. That means we need to stand for one another, not against each other. We need to refocus on what matters the most to us. That means kids and mothers that suffered for decades, helplessly. We need to make a commitment to support each other. We need to work to rebuild our social and physical infrastructures. We need to build our schools, hospitals and reservoirs. In, simple terms, we need to focus on the bread and butter issues and nothing else. Therefore, we must learn to cooperate in every arena: as sovereign nations, as people, as friends and as neighbors. Now that we have established a link based on people-to-people, we can expand into other areas; but first, let us get rid of the mercenary thug in Menelik Palace.
However, while the possibilities to work for the greater good are there, we cannot underestimate the threats. We need to be aware, know what the threats are, identify them, and be ready to challenge them. The threats are:
* There are many actors with varied interests keen on keeping the status-quo. They are not interested about the people as long as they can benefit by gaining power, influence and money ala Meles Zenawi and his cronies
* There are nations, including the major powers that have a much bigger ambitious agendas. Unfortunately, their interest never-aligns with the interest of the people in the region.
* Some of the threats are-based on our weaknesses, lack of understanding, ethnic and religious tendencies and egos.
* The combinations of these forces can work together all at the same time.
Unfortunately, the people in the Horn of Africa are facing all 4 threats all the time. A combination of greedy individuals, such as Meles, led and financed by superpowers with their own agendas; and the people from the Horn of Africa that are susceptible to division based on race, religion, ethnicity, stubbornness and egos.
In addition, one of the biggest problems we have, as people, is that we fail to communicate with each other genuinely. We lack understanding on how the PR works and how they use it on us. That is the number one weapon for information, disinformation and PR propaganda manipulations.
They have organized mechanisms, think tanks and various institutes to get as to talk about their agendas constantly. They use radio programs they fund through individuals. You can call him Niguse or Rezene, whoever. These people are easy to manipulate cheap. The TPLF gang uses the same tactics to attack the new relation between Eritreans and Ethiopians. However, people have tuned out the TPLF gang because everything they claim is exaggeration, misleading, fabrication, deceitful, condescending and outright lies. And they have learned, effective and aggressive ways to lobby their message- through.
Leading up to the march, TPLF did all that it can to discredit the Ethiopian marchers and the event but failed. After seeing the traction of the new Eritrean-Ethiopian relation, it has gone full force to try to own the issue and stop the momentum. They organized a conference and Meles said that he is willing to talk to President Isaias fully knowing well that it won’t happen.
Here is the kicker. In order to take attention away from this conference, TPLF sent a group, ostensibly in the name of “Opposition” from Ethiopia and they are holding a conference in Seattle as we speak. Here is what is funny. There is an election scheduled to take place in Ethiopia next month and these people are in Seattle campaigning to what end? And not to be outdone; they are featuring Ms. Birtukan Medeksa in their website as if she is there in person. The irony is, these people cannot and do not mention her name while in Ethiopia but they are trying to use her name in Seattle? That shows their total lack of integrity! While that is an attempt to create division and water-down the impact of this conference, it is also a sign of their desperation.
Ethiopians have taken control of their issues and messages. They are doing it on their own time and their way. Weizero Birtukan is here in spirit, and if she were here today, she will not be in Seattle; she will be here to address this group and expose the Weyane duplicity.
Concluding remarks
Our work just begun and we are on the right track. Over the last year, we have accomplished a lot. From the accomplishments, the most satisfying achievement is the fact that we have partners. We know when we want to deal with Ethiopians where to go and vice versa. That will help to streamline our collective messages and propel the relationship to a new height.
For decades, we grew apart and developed unneeded animosity. We all have take responsibility and take part of the blame. But what is sad is we have a lot that unites us. I have used this quote from Dr. Haile Mezghebe in the past and I will use it again because it is very relevant. We need to hear this repeatedly so it can sink in because it will make a difference.
He said, paraphrasing, {when I went to school, I learned how my teachers worked on issues. If there are 10 issues on the table and they disagreed on all nine but agreed on one issue; they set aside the nine and worked on- the-one issue they agreed on and worked up-words from there. To the contrary, while agreeing on all nine issues if we disagree on one issue, that one issue will tear-us-apart and become a major source of conflict.}That is powerful statement.
We have more reasons for unity that any issue that could create a wedge. There should be no hurdle to strengthen our relationship. I personally do not see any issues that could stop us from achieving the highest-form of friendship, partnership and neighborly relation.
The only issue that some Ethiopians dangle is the issue of access to the sea. However, Eritreans want Ethiopians to the have access to the sea as well. Eritreans want Ethiopia to be a successful nation. As President Isaias stated, Eritrea wants a united Ethiopia that is successful. The only impediment to improving the lives of millions of Ethiopians and Eritreans is not lack of access to the sea; it is the emotional barriers, lack of imagination and unwillingness to accept the reality; otherwise, there is no limit to what we could achieve as long as there is respect for territorial integrity and national sovereignty.
Therefore, our focus needs be to work together for the sake of peace and to bring a lasting change for the people of the Horn of Africa. Otherwise, we will continue on the same path, and exacerbate the current problems.
This is a question that we must ask; does any one think that, what is taking place in Somalia would continue if Somalis, Ethiopians, Eritreans and others from the region stood united and stood against it consistently? The answer is, No!
US policy in Africa will not change. That is something we need to accept as reality. For evidence, review the Senate Armed Services Committee March 9, 2010 hearing on Africom. Listen to all the recent comments by various US officials, and most importantly, look-back at the events that unfolded during the climate conference in Copenhagen between President Obama, President Sarkozy and Meles.
The only way US policy will change is if we are united. We have to be able to stand for each other. We have to be a unit to have a voice. That is how we can bring change we can believe in. That is how we can bring respect and sanity back to our people. That is how we can earn respect and demand accountability from politicians.
If we see unjustified incrimination on our Somali brothers today and you failed to stand up today, it will happen to you tomorrow. To do that, we have to overlook the baggage we carried for decades and look forward. We are all in the same boat regardless of where we come from. Therefore, we need to make a personal commitment to make sure that we are committed to the wellbeing of each other, for the safety, growth and wellbeing of our people.
There is a saying in Eritrea and it goes like this. “Firdi Guana Keinan Yu Metakosi.” What that means is when a stranger judges, it is always bent or twisted and creates fights amongst brothers. That means we have to look for indigenous solutions. To achieve that, we need to learn to trust each other by working through legitimate channels, by making a commitment for peace and each other.
As an Eritrean, I am glad and proud to know that my people and government are committed to the ideals I expressed.
I would like to make it clear that all the comments are my comments.
I sincerely thank the organizers of the event for doing a great job and for overcoming challenges. I would like to thank and congratulate Ato Neamin for doing a great job.
(The above was delivered at the recent Horn of Africa Conference on Good Governance that was held in the Washington Metro Area. Ato Amanuel Biedemariam can be reached at [email protected])
Governance and Human Rights: How to win elections in Ethiopia
Presented at Conference on Ethiopia and the Horn of Africa, 9-11 April 2010
By Theodore M. Vestal
Governance in Ethiopia suffers from deficits of democracy and abuses of human rights. For eighteen years tyranny in its harshest form has persisted. The people endure under a despotic system marked by brutality, corruption, poverty, and suffering. What democratic freedoms the people might once have enjoyed are eroded, and basic human rights, including freedom of religion, conscience, speech, assembly, association, and press are badly abused. Specifically, there are limitations on citizens’ right to change their governments; official impunity; arbitrary arrest and detention; lengthy pretrial detention; difficult prison conditions; and interference with privacy rights. Human rights reports cast doubt on how effective the rule of law really is. Due process of law and equal protection of the law appear lost.
These shortcomings come together in “elections” held in the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia. The ruling Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), since coming to power in 1991, has won all the elections held in Ethiopia. The party has literally written the book on how to win elections in Ethiopia. But the political processes are an integral part of the entire EPRDF gestalt. A “wholeness” that makes difficult the separating of any component parts of the Party’s organization and practices.
In analyzing the theory and practice of EPRDF’s “success” in governing and electioneering, the acronym POSDCORB of classical public administration is relevant.1 The acronym which formulates the responsibility of a chief executive stands for the principles of Planning, Organizing, Staffing, Directing, Coordinating, Reporting, and Budgeting. The EPRDF, from the beginning of its reign, has followed, perhaps willy-nilly, these principles of administration. My remarks will look at how and why the EPRDF has governed, abused human rights, and won all the elections by applying the principles of the acronym.
I. PLANNING, that is working out in broad outline the things that need to be done and the methods for doing them to accomplish the purpose set for the enterprise:
A. EPRDF’s “Our Revolutionary Democratic Goals and the Next Steps” (1993) distributed to party cadre but not made public. (Ethiopian Register 1996.2)
Clear statement of political and economic goals of the Front and the strategies and tactics to be used in attaining them. Revolutionary Democracy based on idea that Party leaders at the center of public life should direct all aspects of society on the basis of a superior knowledge of the nature of social development conferred on them by the party ideology. The reality is a classic totalitarian structure, an attitude of “We know what is best for you,” a wholeness of purpose generated from the roots of the Marxist-Leninist League of Tigray from which too much resort to reason and language is not welcome and supposedly is conducive to separation from the utopian society envisioned by the Party’s true believers.
1. Political Goal: materializing the peoples’ political and human rights completely vs. “oppressors,” those who oppose the EPRDF. If rights of oppressors or vacillators clash with rights of masses, the rights of the oppressors will have to be suppressed.
a. Constitution protects rights of masses. Institutions are established to protect the constitution and EPRDF-made laws. When oppressors obstruct the exercise of the rights of the masses, any relevant legal article can be cited to punish them. Enforced by police and army.
b. Political parties: the masses will have many parties and oppressors will have the opportunity to organize. If oppressors try to obstruct the masses from exercising their rights, the constitution and other laws will be used to punish them and bring under control their illegal activities.
2. Set up government to ensure all-round participation of the masses. Power structure to enable people to decide on local issues at Kebele, Woreda, zone, regional, and central level.
3. Ensuring peoples’ right to self-determination and building Ethiopia’s unity based on equality and free choice. EPRDF credo: nations, nationalities, and peoples’ right to secede.
B. Political Strategies: ensure permanent hegemony
1. “Only by winning the elections successively and holding power without letup can we securely establish the hegemony of Revolutionary democracy. If we lose in the elections even once, we will encounter a great danger. So, in order to permanently establish this hegemony, we should win the initial elections and then create a situation that will ensure the establishment of this hegemony. In the subsequent elections, too, we should be able to win without interruption.”
2. “Should the enemy and vacillators win elections and gain hegemony, the country will be hurled into an endless crisis and Ethiopia would not survive as a nation.”
II. ORGANIZING, that is the establishment of the formal structure of authority through which work subdivisions are arranged, defined and coordinated for the defined objective;
A. EPRDF’S Organizational Structure and Operation, 1995: to secure the highest unity between the thoughts and action of the Front and its members.3 Struggle for Revolutionary Democratic goals by extending control over political, economic, and social activities of the country. Works primarily through cadres, professional revolutionaries whose occupation is largely or entirely political activity. The work of cadres blurs the line between the state and the ruling party giving them a two-edged sword with which to cut down the opposition.
1. Organizational ladder descends from highest rungs of government to lowest steps of rural locality. “Democratic centralism:” offices of President, Prime Minister, Parliament, central government ministries and agencies, including public enterprises–all are part of Party network.
2. In states, EPRDF organizational units control activities in killil, zonal, woreda, sub-woreda, and kebele administrations and thus are able to intimidate individuals at a household level. Universities, high schools, hospital and non-government organizations, and profit-for-the-party companies are in the scheme.
3. Major responsibility of cadres is “monitoring” (spying on) the people in general and opposition forces in particular. Cadres infiltrate independent associations, such as trade unions, professional organizations, or any other civil associations, and attempt to take over positions of leadership. Any organization that is not controlled from the top by cadre is considered dangerous and is to be opposed vehemently.
4. The ethnic components of the Party, the TPLF, OPDO, ANDM, and SEPDF have their own parallel leadership structures but command of the ethnic fronts remains with the leadership of the EPRDF.
5. Encouraging membership in the EPRDF by making access to fertilizer, food assistance, health care and schools conditional on membership of the ruling party. Conversely, withholding such carrots is used to punish and ostracize those perceived as supporting the political opposition
B. Organization and propaganda mobilize the masses.
1. Mold the outlook of the rank and file members and the public at large by firmly indoctrinating them with the outlook of revolutionary democracy. Party control of mass media is vital to the effort.
2. Party dominates independent associations while maintaining their façade of autonomy. Where difficulties arise, create new organization. The aim of these organizations: to duplicate all existing professional associations and then to destroy the credibility of the older existing ones in the eyes of the general public.
III. STAFFING, that is the whole personnel function of bringing in and training the staff and maintaining favorable conditions of work.
a. Cadre and their training and discipline, omnipresent throughout system.
b. Pervasive bureaucracy staffed by Party. All provide protective mask for the inner, elite corps with their special tool–the secret police. In the center is the Party Leadership exercising total, arbitrary control and demanding instant, unquestioning obedience.
c. Non-independent judiciary to interpret laws in politically correct way.
d. EPRDF-controlled military to provide security for the regime and control of society. Police, under Party control, maintain internal security. Midnight raids of homes of political opponents to haul off suspects for unspecified crimes for unspecified periods of time—frequently to secret places of incarceration. If the suspects get released, they have to sign a pledge to abstain from political activities and have to frequently sign-in with the local kebele to make sure they are behaving. The EPRDF rules by having a monopoly of terror. Controls by inducing fear and repression—classic totalitarianism, according to Hannah Arendt.
IV. DIRECTING, that is the continuous task of making decisions and embodying them in specific and general orders and instructions and serving as the leader of the enterprise.
a. EPRDF maintains power by stifling political opposition and bridling dissent. The number of political prisoners in the country has been a not very secret disgrace since the EPRDF came to power. The most glaring example of that is, of course the imprisonment of opposition leader Birtukan Mideksa, whose pardon for alleged acts of treason was revoked as she was rearrested and given a life prison term for failing to deliver a public apology for acts committed during the post-2005 campaign. The recent murder of a political opponent in Tigray is but the latest in a continuing series of politically motivated killings, kidnappings, disappearances, torture, rapes, and beatings. There have also been insidious threats against leading activists, which have forced a number of them to flee the country. All of this is done with impunity for the perpetrators—official or otherwise.
b. Laws impose difficult requirements on opposition political parties and voluntary associations. Elections sideline the opposition before it gets organized.
c. Regulations purportedly guarantee responsible behavior of independent media in reality muzzle them. Journalists threatened or arrested. Blocking out broadcasts of the Voice of America or controlling content of the internet are flagrant abuses of the citizens’ rights to a free flow of information—without which democracy cannot exist.
d. Prior to the 2010 elections, legislation was introduced in parliament designed to stifle independent activity by civil society groups in Ethiopia, clamp down on election media coverage, and limit acts of political protest, all under the pretext of government concerns about fighting terrorism.
V. COORDINATING, that is the all-important duty of interrelating the various parts of the work.
1. EPRDF in all its guises, governmental and private sector, central government and state governments, ethnic groups—pervasive throughout society.
2. Layer upon layer, like the body of an onion: all but the deadly core operating as automatons in a monstrous, mindless and malevolent bureaucracy. All coordinated from the top party leadership.
VI. REPORTING, that is keeping those to whom the executive is responsible informed as to what is going on, which thus includes keeping himself and his subordinates informed through records, research and inspections.
VII. BUDGETING, with all that goes with budgeting in the form of fiscal planning, accounting and control.
a. TPLF controls the country’s leading corporations and, by extension, most of its trade.
b. EPRDF with crony capitalists occupies the “commanding heights of the economy.” They have done so since their days in the bush taking in humanitarian aid that ended up in other budgeting pockets.
c. The party has an array of anticompetitive weapons, and it has adroitly found ways to restrain trade, rig markets, and suppress competition.
d. According to international financial institutions, the EPRDF controls or owns most of the Ethiopian economy
That is the POSDCORB of the EPRDF. Life is tolerable for cadres and members who believe in the ideological goals and outcomes of the party. For others, especially those identified as enemies of the regime, life is “Hell with the lid off.”
How does Ethiopia escape from the dominance of an autocratic state and party? Past experience suggests that the EPRDF will never willingly share power widely nor will it allow meaningful political competition to thrive. So long as the EPRDF enjoys a monopoly of terror there will be no change in the Party’s domination. Continued repressions may well invite a return to civil war. The alternatives make a negotiated attempt at establishing a liberal democracy all the more attractive.4 I fail to see negotiation coming about without a major change in circumstances. Who or what can make such a change remains to be seen. Friends of Ethiopia can only hope it will come about sooner rather than later.
Notes
1. POSDCORB is an acronym created by Luther Gulick and Lyndall Urwick in their “Papers on the Science of Administration” (1937). [Gulick, Luther Halsey, and Lyndall F. Urwick, eds. 1937. Papers on the Science of Administration. New York: Institute of Public Administration.] Developed as a means to structure and analyze management activities, it set a new paradigm in Public Administration. Based on the theories of Henri Fayol’s 14 Principles of Management, Gulick and Urwick disputed the prevailing thinking that there was a dichotomy between politics and administration. Instead that it was impossible to separate the two. It has been called the “high noon of orthodoxy,” due to the assumption that it was the principles that were important and not where they were applied. [Nicholas Henry, “Paradigms of Public Administration,” Public Administration Review, Vol. 35, No. 4, (July – Aug., 1975) p.380.]
2. Vestal, Ethiopia: A Post-Cold War African State (Westport, CT: Praeger, 1999), chapter 7, “The Strategy of the EPRDF.”
Virginia Declaration of the Conference on Good Governance, Peace, Security and Sustainable Development in Ethiopia and the Horn of Africa
A three day conference on Ethiopia and the Horn of Africa, which was organized by two civil society organizations- Advocacy for Ethiopia (AFE) and Ethiopian National Priorities Consultative Process (ENPCP), and sponsored by Trans Africa Forum and Africa Action, was successfully held in Crystal City, Virginia, from April 9 to 11, 2010. The participation of several hundreds of Ethiopians, experts, scholars from the United States and Europe, men and women of the Arts, former diplomats and leaders of civic organizations, with Honorable Ana Gomes of the European Parliament, speaking over the telephone from the Sudan, made the conference rich and unique. The conference addressed broad themes of good governance, conflict, civil society and development in Ethiopia and the Horn of Africa, and has adopted the following roadmap:
ALARMED by the escalation of ethnic and religious polarization, active and latent conflicts in Ethiopia and Somalia, further endangering the livelihood of millions of people and disturbing international peace, and the total absence of a freely elected and accountable governance system in the region;
DEEPLY CONCERNED by the political, economic and social policies implemented by Prime Minister Meles Zenawi in the last 19 years, which has failed to make maximum use of the catalytic roles of the donor community’s commitment for good governance, building national consensus, and boosting productivity and alleviating endemic poverty;
NOTING WITH DISAPPOINTMENT that, despite the unabated generous aid flows estimated at $25 billion to $30 billion since 1991, almost all of the credible international economic and governance indices rank Ethiopia at the tail end of world development, to the extent that the country, by the end of 2009, had an estimated 5 million orphans and 13-14 million or 16 percent of the country’s population being identified as dependent on international food aid. Notwithstanding these, the government unashamedly claims double digit economic growth and success in the alleviation of poverty;
RECONGNIZING with dismay that Ethiopia will be entering the next election without adequate preparation, and more importantly, under a cloud of impunity, relentless human rights violations, vigilantism, and the incarceration of political leaders like Ms. Birtukan Mideksa and others, while at the same time the ruling party uses federal and foreign aid funds to recruit youth supporters, all these being done with the intent of building a single-party state.
NOW THEREFORE, We, the AFE and ENPCP, together with the broad cross-section of Ethiopian participants of the three days conference:
1.1 Have agreed that the quagmires that Ethiopia finds itself are by and large a result of the 19 years of poor political leadership of Prime Minister Meles Zenawi and his TPLF/EPRDF party. We strongly believe that neither peace nor development can be achieved and sustained while Ato Meles Zenawi is in power. Hence, he must immediately exit the Ethiopian political scene, preferably peacefully.
1.2 We call upon all political parties, including the TPLF/EPRDF, to convene an all inclusive National Conference for Peace and Reconciliation, with a view to establishing a Transitional Government of National Unity that prepares the country for an unfettered free and fair election.
1.3. Call on the Ethiopian people to continue their valiant struggle for peace, democracy and respect for the rule of law. We urge all Ethiopians to continue to resist the divide and rule policies of the regime; we also admire the resistance of the Ethiopian people against religious extremism.
1.4 Call upon the Ethiopian people inside the country and in the Diaspora to support and stand with forces that celebrate our diversity while trying to cement the foundations of a united country. We specifically call on all Ethiopians who are being forcefully recruited by the ruling party to side with the people and refuse to engage in any action that may be harmful to their brothers and sisters.
1.5 Commend and applaud opposition parties, civic organizations and their leaders for the work they do under difficult circumstances, and call upon them to create unity, coordinate their efforts, form unbreakable coalitions, and prepare for pre and post election scenarios.
1.6 Call upon the Ethiopian Diaspora to rise to the challenges and provide material, moral and intellectual support to forces that are committed to advancing good governance and democracy in Ethiopia and the Horn of Africa.
1.7 Call for the convening of civil society organizations with a view to establishing strong rights advocacy networks that can better express the voice of the voiceless, and the causes of the people of Ethiopia and the Horn of Africa.
1.8 Encourage all Ethiopians to vote for a party that stands for democracy, good governance, unity, and at the same time support democratic forces that stand to defend and protect their votes.
1.9 Call on Ethiopian Americans to use their voting rights to influence U.S. policies towards Ethiopia and the Horn of Africa.
1.10 Call upon the citizens of Ethiopia and the Horn of Africa to respect and defend the rights of women and children.
1.11 Agreed to establish a working group and broaden the breadth and scope of this declaration so that other stakeholders could join the process in taking the roadmap into action.
2.0 To the TPLF/EPRDF
2.1 Condemn the relentless human rights violations, extrajudicial killings, persecutions and crimes against humanity committed by the TPLF/EPRDF security forces in Addis Ababa, Arba Gugu, Bedeno, Gambella, Hadiya, Hawasa, Ogden, Oromia, and other parts of Ethiopia, and demand that those responsible be held accountable and brought to justice without delay.
2.2 Call for the abandonment of the use of the anti-terrorist and civil society laws as smokescreens to suppress dissent and deny Ethiopians their fundamental economic, social and political freedoms.
2.3 Join human rights organizations, parliamentarians, governments and the Ethiopian people in demanding for the immediate and unconditional release of Ms. Birtukan Mideksa and all other political prisoners.
2.4 Demand that the top brass as well as the rank and file of the Ethiopian military properly reflect the ethnic and religious diversity of the Ethiopian people, and the army’s size, shape, capability and doctrine be improved.
2.5. Demand that the TPLF/EPRDF ceases its manipulation of the electoral process by using federal and donor funds, political party controlled funds, sheltered employment, land and fertilizer.
2.6 Call upon the TPLF/EPRDF and the House of Peoples Representatives to initiate a constitutional reform in accordance to the will of the people, and define a term limit for the office of the Prime Minister.
27 Urge the TPLF/EPRDF to desist from blocking the Ethiopian people from having access to information. We condemn the government’s blocking of the Internet, the jamming of the Voice of America, and the muzzling of the local media.
2.8. Call upon the TPLF/EPRDF to revisit its opaque long-term farmland leases to foreign investors, which we know is dispossessing citizens from the lands and waters on which they depend to survive. We demand the setting-up of an independent expert group, with the full participation of local communities, in order to assess the costs and benefits and ecological as well as social risks of farmland leases to foreign investors. We believe that some of the land leases have the potential to change the geopolitical equation of the region. We also demand that the TPLF/EPRDF discloses all the details of the contracts to the general public.
2.9 Demand that the government discloses the purpose and nature of the ongoing border negotiation with the Sudan, and that TPLF/EPRDF refrains from once again abrogating Ethiopia’s sovereignty and territorial integrity.
2.10 Demand the immediate repeal of the charities and societies, media, and the anti terrorism proclamations.
2.11 Demand that political party owned and “endowed” companies be urgently reformed.
3.0 To the people of the Horn of Africa:
3.1 We believe that our similarities and connectedness far outweigh our differences. Let peace and stability and democracy shine in our region. Let’s try our level best so that our wounds heal.
3.2 We encourage the continuation of the relationship that has recently been started by scholars from Eritrea and Ethiopia, and hope that such conversations would lead to new beginning which will be mutually beneficial to the brotherly peoples of Eritrea and Ethiopia. Everyone knows that Eritrea and Ethiopia are invariably linked by history, religion, culture, economy, and security. It is thus costly and wasteful for both to maintain the status quo.
3.3 We encourage free and fair elections in all of the countries of the Horn of Africa. We wish success to the people of the Sudan in the ongoing election, and in the implementation of the 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement.
3.4 We encourage the international community and the people of Somalia to work together in finding solutions to the complex problems of the country.
4. To the Diplomatic and Donor Community:
4.1 We urge all donor countries, particularly the Government of the United States, especially President Barak Obama to live up to the statements that he has made about Africa. We urge the U.S. not to use double standards. We believe the blind eye afforded to Prime Minster Meles Zenawi by the United States has resulted in strengthening repression in Ethiopia. We, therefore, demand a thorough review of the United States’ policy towards Ethiopia and the Horn of Africa.
4.2 We call on the Government of China to desist from assisting the Ethiopian Government’s anti democratic practices, particularly in providing technical support to block the Internet and the jamming of radio broadcasts. We also call upon the Government of China to make trade mutually beneficial.
4.3 We call upon the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights to attend to the call for the investigation of crimes against humanity in Ethiopia.
4.4 We call upon the United States, the United Kingdom and European Union to investigate whether tax payers’ money collected during the 1984/85 in Ethiopia has indeed been used for strengthening the TPLF’s Red Army.
4.5 Let it be known that we condemn and oppose, in the strongest possible terms, all forms of extremism and terrorism.
Crystal City Virginia, United States of America, April 11, 2010.
Col. Alebel Amare talks about the newly formed armed Amhara resistance group — Amhara Democratic Force Movement — in the interview below. Col. Alebel is one of the top leaders of the group and a former deputy commander of the Agazi Army. In a phone conversation with Ethiopian Review today, Col. Alebel said that his group is working in close collaboration with the Ethiopian People’s Patriotic Front (EPPF). Watch below:
I am writing to express my disappointment and dejection vis-à-vis your article titled “It’s time to give Ethiopia the diplomatic tools that it requires.” By any measure, your article is untimely, inappropriate, and unethical. Are you advising the current regime to hang on to power? Is it not undemocratic and high-handed for any elected official, to endorse the ruling clique before even the votes were cast and ballots have been tallied? Do you really have up-to-date information how our people in Ethiopia are dealing presently with the régime?
When in 1999 you were elected for European Parliament, I had a great appreciation for your decision to give up your highly-regarded psychiatry practice to take office in Brussels. I honestly believed at that time that you as a member of the Royal College of Psychiatrists would be one of the elected officials, who will forever have a great respect for human rights of any society in our planet, including that of Ethiopians.
It is a candid statement that past policies of western governments were geared up around the idea that “strongmen” bring stability. Due to their misguided geopolitics, western countries have contributed in the past to instabilities around the world. But we are noticing at present the downside of such unwise and precarious strategy. This is due to the fact that the rulers, which were supported in the past by western governments, have become recurrently oppressive and totalitarian. It is also our recent memory that removing dictators from such countries has required quiet significant human lives and enormous material resources. Despite some progress, several regions of the world are still volatile and above all instability is a looming threat in Western-allied dictatorships that are currently embraced as bulwarks of stability.
In case of Ethiopia, it is no more hush-hush that there are widespread violations of human-rights and annihilation of self-esteem of citizens by the régime. At this instant, Ethiopians are dying from hunger and starvation; this incessant suffering of our fellow Ethiopians is breaking our heart; and absolutely unbearable for any human being. The people of Ethiopia opposite to that you may believe, being in western democracy, are living daily in trepidation and under terror from the régime. There is confrontation between the ruling party and the downhearted people in every corner of Ethiopia. Moreover, due to the discontent and harassment from the régime, there are skirmishes between the régime and several armed groups all over the country. Our unity and existence as a country is in jeopardy. I want to assure you that as noble, proud, and very tranquil people, we Ethiopians wish for ourselves a united, secured, democratic, and wealthy nation; as others do.
Don’t you believe that the innocent British geologist, who was lately shot dead in an ambush, had incorrect information about the security in Ethiopia? Is he got killed by bandits as the Ethiopian regime claims? Is Ethiopia a stable country as you may think, to send your skilled countrymen (http://www.fco.gov.uk /en/travel-and-living-abroad/travel-advice-by-country/sub-saharan-africa/ethiopia)? Aren’t you accountable as a British diplomat for not informing your citizens about security issues in any part of the world? Besides, isn’t it appropriate and valuable for you and your colleagues to help Ethiopians to build a democratic and secured nation in the currently unstable Horn of Africa?
I indisputably believe that for a stability of any country it is crucial to have a leader that is intelligent, strong, caring, and devoted to his people. Ethiopians were assiduously looking-for such a leader for several decades. Nevertheless, we were unfortunate and our effort couldn’t bear fruit. That is why; it is deplorable for us at this time to tolerate a ruler, who drove us to more misery and insecurity for more than two decades.
Other issue that I want to bring to your attention is that the régime in power, to extend its survival, is seeding detestation and driving wedges among various ethnic groups in Ethiopia; which is by far the most precarious and dangerous action that is expected only from irresponsible and immature government. As you know that, the circumstance that happened in Rwanda due to the administration in power at that time is not a distant memory. Therefore, I want you and your colleagues in the European Parliament to be aware of the state of affairs in Ethiopia. We do not need any apology in the future, either from you or your colleagues, similar to that of western diplomats’ for their silence in the face of the Rwanda genocide. We call for your support now!
Finally, I want to let you know that freedom is non-negotiable and a question of survival for Ethiopians. I have wished for myself and preferred that your article read “It’s time for western countries to help Ethiopians to build a stable, democratic, and prosperous society.” I hope you as a member of the Europe for freedom and democracy Group will agree with me that Ethiopia as a nation deserves liberty.
