The Absence of the General Tigrean Population from the Struggle for Democracy
By Yitbarek H. Mariam
Ethiopian Review, August 1996
The reactions to Tilahun’s prescription for secession (ER, February 1996) are bound to be varied depending on our predisposition towards the situation in Ethiopia. We may feel titillated or agitated. We may feel unwarranted and compulsive excitement. We may develop some ill-feelings towards him, perhaps because we were subconsciously supporting TPLF/EPLF. If we are disappointed, it is because those who we credited with the coup de grace have failed us, and the coup de theatere which resulted in Mengistu’s demise has lost its muster. If we develop hate feelings towards him, it is probably because he does not fit the behind-the-times “chauvinist” mold. Moreover, his forthrightness leaves no room for schism, duplicity, dupery and demagoguery. If we are searching for weak angles in his arguments, it is probably because we are ambivalent and we care too much for political correctness.
Should we promote secession? This is probably a painful issue for some, and one can come out for or against secession depending on one’s perspective. It will also be very tempting to take the seemingly “higher and moral ground” and argue against secession. Ato Tecola’s and Dr. Mankelklot’s articles (ER, May 1996) may fall in this category. But, would the idea behind Tilahun’s manifesto resonate with the truth and the majority of the Ethiopian population?
Was his proposal pragmatic? Is there a downside to his proposal? These are important questions and I will leave them for every one to ponder on, and return to the essence of Tilahun’s prescription. Following that, I will try to comment on some of Dr. Mankelklot’s illogical assertions, and Tecola’s arguments, which have some historical inconsistencies and serious problematic assertions, despite his endeavor to bring a different and positive twist to the issue. Moreover, that both were silent on the role the general Tigrean population has not, and should have, played in the struggle for multi-party democracy, I found to be particularly terribly disappointing.
The essence of Tilahun’s manifesto is fairly uncomplicated. As Tilahun sees it, you cannot divorce from TPLF/EPLF without divorcing from the people of Eritrea. Since complete separation of Eritreans and Tigreans is essentially impossible, a radical separation of Ethiopia from the people of Tigray is what Tilahun’s prescription calls for. If you say extreme, read on. But, what Tilahun, with his moral and intellectual courage, has put to test is, then, the loyalty of the people of Tigray to Ethiopia vs. their loyalty for Eritrea. Unless you say the burden of proof for the loyalty in question should fall on the people of Ethiopia, you have to agree that Tilahun’s endeavour to engage us in this dialogue is timely. But, this should not be a one man’s journey to change history. So, get involved, get out of the rut of the syndrome of cool detachment and complacency and express your views; take a position, cast your vote, it is a democracy thing!
Comments on Some of Mankelkelot’s Assertions
Dr. Mankelkelot Haileselassie’s assertion that “it would not be appropriate to generalize the subversive and poisonous measures taken by TPLF/EPLF to that of about eight million people (Tigreans and Eritreans)” is a point well taken as a matter of principle. However, as a practical matter, his assertion begs the question: do the eight million Tigreans and Eritreans admit the “subversive and poisonous measures taken by TPLF/EPLF” as terribly wrong? Since when did they disassociate themselves from TPLF/EPLF? What is the demonstrable, quantifiable and verifiable evidence that they are not silent participants? Or, is it that taking such a silent position is a matter of convenience and/or preposturing at this time?
Mankelkelot argues that no body has the right to tell Eritreans that they are no more Ethiopians. But, in the recent past, particularly since the fall of the Derg, what is the evidence for their affirmation of their Ethiopianness? The argument that “Eritreans are Ethiopians, and Eritrea is part of Ethiopia until the people of Ethiopia and Eritrea collectively… resolve the issue” is rather amusing. Citizenship is not something that any individual can switch off and on. Is the suggestion that we some how forget the fact that the people of Eritrea were given the opportunity to exercise their right in a “civilized manner” and that they voted for independence? Any attempt to suggest that they did so unwillingly is a lame excuse. We did not see the TPLF/EPLF gun having been pointed at any Eritrean. Once the Eritreans made their choice, the flip side of Mankelkelot’s argument should be: nobody has the right to claim them as Ethiopians either. If the two million or so Eritreans who reside in Ethiopia believed in their Ethiopianness, no Kalashnikov would have stopped them from joining the struggle to establish multi-party democracy, instead of voting for independence. Or, was the idea that they wanted the Ethiopian people to fight for them, as well as fight over them, while they played a wait-and-see game hoping that they might rip the benefits of the atrocious measures taken by the TPLF/EPLF? If they valued their Ethiopianness, and, if the Ethiopian nationhood meant anything to them, it should have been sufficient cause for them to resist any coercion they might have been subjected to. Oh, yes! Somebody is going to argue that any Eritrean residing in Ethiopia who did not cooperate with the TPLF/EPLF group might have been handed over to Issayas Afeworki & Co. But, that is exactly the point. If they believed in their Ethiopianness, they should have stood for their convictions. Was TPLF going to ship all two million of them to Eritrea? To do what to, or with, them? Massacre them? What about the Eritreans residing in the West? Are we to be persuaded to believe that Issayas Afeworki has so much power, even in a foreign country, that no Eritrean who defies him is going to escape the storm of his rage?
It is surprising that Mankelkelot wonders why Tigreans and Eritreans “are now living the life they used to live wherever they are located.” Actually, a lot of them are probably now living a better life under TPLF/EPLF at the expense of non-Tigreans and non-Eritreans. It should not be a mystery to anyone that they manage to do so, because they are protected by the TPLF/EPLF. It is unimaginable to believe that Tilahun would fabricate feelings of hatred for Eritreans and Tigreans by the Ethiopian people. The Ethiopian people have gained considerable wisdom from extreme adversity and privation. Their capacity for discipline and patience is only a reflection of how cultured and civilized the Ethiopian society is.
Mankelkelot’s argument that they do not harbor any ill-feelings may or may not be correct. But, we should not lose sight of the fact that even the Ethiopian society has a limit for its tolerance. No one can be sure that a sudden turn of events for the worst cannot take place. Who can predict what will happen to the Eritreans, and Tigreans for that matter, if the TPLF were to disappear tomorrow? The ethnic cleansing in the former Yugoslavia is some times attributed to a retaliation for what one group did to another as far back as seven hundred years ago. What happened in Rwanda was no different, and that was not so long ago for us to put in the recesses of our minds and forget. We have witnessed some of the same in Ethiopia too. If you look closely you may not like what you will find. Perhaps, then, Mankelkelot should rethink his line of reasoning with some sensitivity and responsibility. I do not believe Tilahun has anything to gain by insinuating feelings that do not exist.
No Need to Waltz Around the Economy Issue
Ethiopia has expended a lot of resources fighting the secessionist forces. The cost in human life over the last thirty years was colossal. No one would dare argue that Eritrea did not get the lion’s share of the resources during the time of Atse Haile Selassie. Ethiopia and the Ethiopian people sincerely wanted to embrace Eritrea. But, that was not enough. Why should now the Ethiopian people revisit that issue when there are other pressing matters to engage in? If the people of Eritrea want to be part of Ethiopia, they should decide their fate on their own, without the assistance of the Ethiopian people. Let them admit they were wrong and disavow EPLF and TPLF, and join the struggle immediately, because tomorrow, after the departure of TPLF/EPLF, it will be too late. It will never be the same.
Whatever arrangement the Ethiopian people get into with the people of Eritrea, it should not be prescribed with a pretext and false pretence of unity, nationhood, and territorial integrity. The prerequisites for harmonial co-existence should be based on the reality the economy of both parties dictate. Ethiopia needs a port. Eritrea, despite what some may vehemently try to assert, cannot sustain itself without Ethiopia. Any attempt to hold Ethiopia hostage because of the port is a misguided obsession to demand a high price from the Ethiopian people. It will not be anything short of declaring economic war on the people of Ethiopia. But, the fact that the present Ethiopia is not the only land-locked country on earth should not escape both Ethiopians and Eritreans.
Let me propose something that may not shock a lot of people. On hind sight, what Ethiopia should have done all along, instead of fighting for thirty years, was grant a referendum to the Eritreans, in return for the use of the ports, and divest all the resources slated for Eritrea to other parts of Ethiopia. If the majority of them chose to remain united with Ethiopia, it should have been the end of the pilgrimage there and then. If the majority wished not to do so, those who opted for Ethiopian citizenship should have been granted one, and out of the rest, only those whose talent and skill were required could have stayed as immigrants as long as their services were required and they did not displace Ethiopian citizens from the labor force. The rest could have stayed, provided they were not a burden to the Ethiopian people, but would not have been entitled to the benefits and amenities reserved for the citizens of Ethiopia. Such a solution would have been fair, and may have brought the people together in the long run. In short, we should have resolved the economic issues politically and moved on. That was then. And now? When it comes to Eritrea, our judgement should not be clouded by the unrealistic and false pretense of high ideals of nationhood. Instead, we should refrain from dancing around the real issues, accept the reality for what it is, and move on. That is, when it comes to Eritrea, it has been, it should have been, it is, and it will always be “the economy thing.” Absent the economic factor, they will never turn to look at us. This is not to necessarily fault the Eritreans. They are human beings like everybody else. As far as they are concerned, they have won the war, and we have lost it. They have the ports; they have the navy Ethiopia built; and have they had a viable economy, why should they bother with fifty million strong poor Ethiopians? Unfortunately for them, little did they know that they only won the battle; and, who will win the war remains to be seen.
The case of the people of Tigray may be somewhat ambiguous and perhaps we should give them a qualified benefit of doubt. In the absence of verifiable evidence that all Tigreans are supporters of TPLF/EPLF, though there are not probably many that do not, we should err on the side of the people of Tigray. We should give them the opportunity to make their choice, because, it will be lack of veracity to demonize a whole group on account of TPLF/EPLF. Just as we should have argued that the whole Amhara population should not be accountable for the mistakes of the few from that group, just as we ought to argue that the whole Oromo population should not be accountable for the sinister deeds of OPDO, perhaps the judgement day for the people of Tigray should be postponed. It is, however, foolish to be too generous. Those who said give them (EPRDF) a chance have had ample opportunity to make a fair judgement on the actions of EPRDF. Therefore, the period of postponement should be short, of the order of a few months, enough to allow them to talk it out among themselves and choose a side. If they are not willing to do so, Mankelkelot and those who share his views should rest their case, and Ethiopians should not bother to separate TPLF from the rest of the Tigrean population that are silent supporters of TPLF/EPLF.
Mistake or Intentional Deviation?
Tecola attributes the enumerable problems now facing Ethiopia to three tragic “mistakes” committed by Meles and his associates since May of 1991. However, what those specific “mistakes” are is immaterial if you have a different take on the issue. Reference to what they committed as “mistakes” implies “misconception or inadvertence” on their part, and the word “mistake” usually expresses a less severe criticism than error. One definition of error is “an act that through ignorance, deficiency or accident, departs from or fails to achieve what should be done.” What Meles and his associates did was neither by accident nor through ignorance. It was a calculated and intentional deviation from what was right and from a proper code of behavior. Whether or not they adopted the “recommendation of Samuel P. Huntington, a known racist,” whether or not they have political goals or ideology, whether they are fascist or totalitarian, whether or not they are the elite bourgeoisie, whether or not they pit one group against another, it is all by design. Their policies may seem incoherent. That is because they have to pay lip service to their Western donors, and talk about their precarious and unprecedented form of fledgling democracy based on ethnicity, while they carry out their evil design, which is diametrically opposed to democracy. I am not privy to the position of the U.S. Government, but, I cannot imagine how any government would force any other government to stoop to a level below which no man should stoop. All this is to say, they may have underestimated the dynamics of the Ethiopian political landscape, but what they did were not mistakes. There is nothing salvageable about them short of removing them by democratic means.
Tecola’s unsuccessful stunt to formulate semblances and parallelism between the Meles group and the national bourgeoisie by invoking the class struggle buzzword, and his oracular utterances about nationhood, amount to arguing the issues emotionally unless one wishes to muddy up the already troubled waters. I will postpone further elaboration on these issues now for lack of space here.
Conspicuously Indeterminate or Absent
Our opposition forces may be disoriented and may lack vision. But, they are all we got, and our responsibility is not just to criticize, but to be supportive and constructive in our criticisms. After all, they have kept the struggle alive. The Teachers Association and the Labor Union may not have joined the Council of Alternative Forces. But, they have all along been part of the struggle for multi-party democracy. But, what is glaringly missing in the process that must evolve beyond the struggle now being waged, be it by the Council of Alternative Forces or the other opposition forces, is the participation of the majority of the people of Tigray. The people of Tigray have not yet come into the fold as effective partners. They are still the missing variable, the indeterminate, the non-factor, or simply absent from the struggle for multi-party democracy. It is by no means certain as to when, or if, they will come aboard to help the struggle. But, the struggle will go on with or without them; if they cannot be part of the solution, it only means they are part of the problem.
Tecola has apparently suggested what in my view is a very interesting proposal. He has suggested that we should take our appeal to the many honorable and truly decent U.S. citizens. But, I do not suppose it comes as a surprise to him to learn that a lot of Ethiopians have been trying to do just that all along. The problem had been, for every demonstration, there has been a counter-demonstration by Eritreans and Tigreans always working in tandem. Every time someone attempts to make a case for Ethiopia, I am sure it has been undone by some Tigrean and/or Eritrean group from somewhere.
My proposal to Tecola is, therefore, for him to form an organization of “TIGREANS FOR NATIONHOOD (TFN).” This organization should, first, condemn the racist Samuel P. Huntington, the indulgent Mr. Paul Henze who has been serving as a lobbyist for, and defender of TPLF/EPLF, and Mr. Herman Cohen who facilitated the TPLF/EPLF take over. TFN ought to hold demonstrations in every major city in the U.S. and Europe against TPLF/EPLF. It ought to seek the assistance of Ethiopians in the diaspora to help set up appointments for it with honorable and truly decent U.S. citizens they know so that TFN can explain the tragic situation in Ethiopia to such individuals. TFN ought to financially support organizations such as the Council of Alternative Forces and Human Rights Organizations without any strings attached and threat of infiltration. Such efforts will not be like “dying for a nation” and may not save us from becoming “a non-entity,” but coming from Tigreans, and Eritreans for that matter, against the Tigrean-dominated government, will be tremendously valuable and welcome. The effort will, hopefully, help build thrust between the Tigrean group and the Ethiopian community in the diaspora. It may help the two sectors to reconnect. This is a modest, achievable, and verifiable demonstration of the commitment of Tigreans to the nationhood of Ethiopia. If this happens, may be, in due time, we may collectively change the name “Tigreans for Nationhood” to “All Ethiopians for the Nationhood of Ethiopia”it has a nice ring to it!
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Yitbarek H. Mariam, Ph.D., is Professor of Chemistry at Clark Atlanta University, Atlanta, Georgia.
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