Drone is a sanitized word for a remote-controlled assassination weapon. As the focus of the drone wars shifts from Afghanistan to the Horn of Africa ( Africom steps up drone war in Africa ), it behooves Ethiopians and other Africans to pay attention to this new form of warfare about to engulf the continent.
Drones: Undeclared and undiscussed
By Geoff Dyer | Financial Times
October 21, 2012
Whoever wins the White House will face pressure to be transparent about America’s use of secret military tools
If there is such as a thing as an “Obama doctrine”, it was probably first suggested by the advice of Robert Gates, defence secretary for the first two and a half years of the administration.
“Any future defence secretary who advises the president to again send a big American land army into Asia or into the Middle East or Africa,” he said shortly before leaving office, “should have his head examined.”
Given President Barack Obama’s political and economic aversion to launching new wars with lots of ground troops, it is perhaps no surprise that he has latched on so powerfully to the use of armed drones to go after suspected terrorists. US officials claim al-Qaeda’s leadership has been “decimated” over the past few years.
The surprise is that the subject has hardly come up in the course of a long election campaign – even one dominated by a sluggish economy – because it ignores one of the more remarkable and controversial aspects of the Obama administration. The president has made such extensive use of secret military tools that he would have provided himself with years of seminar material were he still a constitutional law professor.
“It is arguable that, through covert wars, this administration has violated the sovereignty of more countries, more times, than any other administration,” says David Rothkopf, chief executive of Foreign Policy magazine and a former Clinton administration official.
Mr Obama, a Nobel Peace laureate, did not invent the new approach but he has dramatically expanded it. The use of targeted killings was authorised one week after the terrorist attacks of September 11 2001, and in the next seven years the administration of George W. Bush ordered about 50 operations. Mr Obama has signed off on more than 350.
And while the Bush administration began the planning for what later became known as the Stuxnet computer virus, it was Mr Obama who ordered for the first time a cyber attack on the infrastructure of another nation – in this case, Iran’s nuclear programme.
These ventures in modern warfare have been conducted in almost complete secrecy, with little congressional oversight and almost no discussion with the public.
The political logic of the campaign explains much of the silence about Mr Obama’s covert wars. Mitt Romney, his Republican challenger, has used every opportunity to accuse Mr Obama of being weak: high-tech bombings of alleged al-Qaeda ringleaders do not fit very well into this attack line.
Yet the administration’s widespread use of drones is starting to come under the sort of sustained criticism that the next president will find it hard to ignore.
A flurry of legal challenges is calling into question the ethics of using unmanned combat aircraft to kill terrorist suspects. There are also growing questions about their long-term effectiveness in targeting terrorism. Whatever the outcome of the November 6 vote, the next president is likely to find himself under intense pressure to discuss the subject more openly.
Under Mr Obama, drones have killed targets in at least six countries: Afghanistan, Pakistan, Yemen, Iraq, Somalia and Libya. Their use has become so extensive in Somalia that there have been reports of commercial air traffic being disrupted.
In the absence of official disclosure, researchers have used local news to try to put together a picture of the programme. According to the New America Foundation, a Washington think-tank, CIA drone strikes in Pakistan have killed 1,907 to 3,220 people since 2004, of whom between 1,618 and 2,765 were reported to be militants. It calculates that 15-16 per cent of those killed are “non-militants”.
When drone strikes were an occasional option, questions about their legality were easier to set aside. But the dramatic increase in their use has pushed those questions centre stage.
Legal critics, including legal campaigners, constitutional law academics and libertarians such as former presidential candidate Ron Paul, argue that the only place where the US is officially at war is Afghanistan – and that the use of drones in countries such as Yemen or Somalia is therefore illegal under US law. They also question whether the secret decisions about who to place on the “kill list” prepared by White House lawyers and officials meet the legal standard of due process.
For several years, the American Civil Liberties Union has been trying to use lawsuits to push the administration into greater disclosure. In its latest action, launched last month, the ACLU is accusing it of abandoning legal due process in the killing last October in Yemen of Abdulrahman al-Awlaki, the 16-year-old son of an alleged al-Qaeda leader, and believed to be the third US citizen to have died in targeted killings.
In the face of mounting pressure, John Brennan, Mr Obama’s counter-terrorism adviser, has given two speeches this year on the policy. His April speech was the administration’s first public acknowledgment of its drone strikes. He has countered legal criticism by saying the US is in an “armed conflict with al-Qaeda, the Taliban, and associated forces”. The White House believes that defining the enemy in such broad terms – similar to those of the Bush-era “war on terror” – provides the legal basis for pursuing terrorists in other countries.
Mr Brennan also insists that the administration adopts “rigorous standards and process of review” when deciding who to target “outside of the ‘hot’ battlefield of Afghanistan”. The New York Times has reported that Mr Obama personally approves the names on the “kill list”.
Even if these arguments prevail in court, they have left a lot of observers deeply uncomfortable with the way the “war on terror” can be used to blur the terms of where and when the US is at war. As Georgetown University legal scholar Rosa Brooks put it recently: “That amounts, in practice, to a claim that the executive branch has the unreviewable power to kill anyone, anywhere, at any time, based on secret criteria and secret information discussed in a secret process by largely anonymous individuals.”
. . .
While Mr Brennan has attempted to address the strikes against alleged terrorists, he has largely avoided the issue of “signature strikes”, where the targets are individuals whose identities may be unknown in an area where terrorist activity is believed to be taking place. According to critics, the large number of recent strikes means not all the targets can have represented an imminent threat to the US.
The White House has not spoken about allegations that the US, in the belief that any rescuers are likely to be connected to the alleged terrorist has, conducted follow-up strikes after bombings. Christof Heyns, UN special rapporteur on extra-judicial killings, said this year that if it was true that “there have been secondary drone strikes on rescuers who are helping [the injured] after an initial drone attack, those further attacks are a war crime”.
The legal waves are being felt in the UK, where a High Court case brought on behalf of the relatives of a Pakistani man killed in a drone strike alleges that British security services provided intelligence information used in US drone strikes, which could be deemed illegal under UK law.
Amid the legal questioning, there is also growing unease in Washington foreign policy circles about the long-term effectiveness of drone strikes. Even some observers who have worked in the counter-terrorism field who support their deployment against terrorist groups believe they are being overused.
“In lots of ways, drones have taken the place of US strategic decision-making,” says Joshua Foust, a former intelligence official now at the American Security Project think-tank. “People think if there is a problem and it is difficult to get to, then let’s use drones to solve the problem.”
Mr Romney has said little about how he might use drones but in a speech two weeks ago he echoed some of this criticism, saying they were “no substitute for a national security strategy for the Middle East”.
In recent months international opposition has become harder to ignore. In April the Pakistani parliament unanimously called for an end to drone strikes within its borders. In Yemen, a series of witness accounts suggests that the increased pace of US drone attacks has contributed to a rise in anti-Americanism and could be encouraging recruitment to al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula, the local affiliate of the terrorist network. “Drone policy at its current tempo does put the US at the very top of the bad-guys list,” says Will McCants, a former counter-terrorism official at the state department.
However, in an August speech about Yemen, Mr Brennan dismissed such suggestions. “Contrary to conventional wisdom, we see little evidence that these actions are generating widespread anti-American sentiment or recruits for AQAP,” he said.
. . .
There are growing calls, particularly among Democrat-leaning foreign policy experts, for the next administration to establish clearer rules about exactly how drones can be used. Anne-Marie Slaughter, who was head of policy planning at the state department in the first two years of the Obama administration, compares the situation to the early years of nuclear weapons, when the US was first to develop the system but other countries soon caught up. “We do not want a world where we are saying that we can decide who a drone can take out,” she says. “We will suffer enormously for setting this precedent. I do not want to be in a world where China can decide who to target.”
Supporters of drones say that whatever the moral and legal problems of targeted strikes, the alternative policies are much worse. When Pakistani authorities launched an offensive in 2009 against insurgents in the Swat valley, the UN estimated that as many as 1.4m people were displaced in the violence and instability that ensued.
In an era of tighter defence budgets, drones are also cheaper than fighter jets. A new-generation F35 fighter jet is expected to cost about $130m, for example, whereas a new Reaper armed drone costs about $53m. Given the large number of highly trained people needed to operate them, however, the cost advantage is less than the price tags suggest.
Those who back drones also say the administration could address many of the criticisms about the identity of targets and the number of casualties if officials provided much more information about their activities. Only more disclosure, they say, will fend off mounting criticism of targeted strikes.
“Even drone-supporters like me will benefit from [ACLU] lawsuits, because evidence is what we are all looking for,” says Christine Fair, a Pakistan expert at Georgetown University. “Without doing this, the drone programme will simply not be sustainable.”
ከፕሮፌሰር ዓለማየሁ ገብረማርያም
ትርጉም ከነጻነት ለሃገሬ
ስለስልጣን ብልግና አለያም ስለ ስልጣንን በማንአለብኘነት አለ አግባብ ስለ ከመጠቀም ከመናገር ይበልጥ አስቸጋሪ የሆኑ bezu ነገሮች yelum፡፡ ለ31 ዓመቷ ወጣት ኢትዮጵያዊት አይበገሬ ርዕዮት ዓለሙ ግን፤ የመጻፍ ነጻነት፤ የመናገር ነጻነት፤ ሃሳብን በነጻ የማንሸራሸር ነጻነትን ድምጻቸው በመሳርያና በስለላ መዋቅር ለታፈነባቸው ድምጽ ከመሆን ምንም አይነት ጋሬጣ ቢደረደር ሊያደናቅፋት ጨርሶ አይችልም፡፡ አሁንም ቢሆን ባለችበት ክፉ ሁኔታም ሆና ስለግፍ ስልጣን ቁልጭ ያለ ሃቅን ትናገራለች፤ ‹‹ለጥንካሬዬ ዋጋ እንደምከፍል ብገነዘብም የሚቃጣብኝን ለመቋቋም ዝግጁ ነኝ››፡በማለት ካለችበት ገሃነማዊ የቃሊቲ ጉረኖ ባመለጠው የእጅ ጽሁፏ መልእክቷን ለአለም አስተላልፋለች፡፡
“ጥንካሬ ለሁሉም ድርጊት ታላቅ ዋጋ አለው፡፡ ጥንካሬ ከሌለ ማንኛውንም አይነት ዋጋ ያለው ተግባር ማከናወንም ሆነ ማቀድ አይቻልም” ያለችው ታላቋ የአሜሪካ የሰብአዊ መብት ተሟጋችና ጸሃፊ ማያ አንጀሉ ናት፡፡ ባለፈው ሳምንት የዓለም አቀፉ ሜዲያ ፋውንዴሽን (IWMF) የ2012ን ታላቁን “የጋዜጠኝነት ጀግንነት” ሽልማቱን ለአይበገሬዋ ርዕዮት ዓለሙ ሸልሟል፡፡ ባለፈው ሜይ ርዕዮትን ወደ ወህኒ ለመወርወርና ዝም ለማሰኘት ስለተከናወነው ሂደት ጽፌ ነበር፡፡
ለዚያ ማፈርያ ፍርድ ቤት ማስረጃ ተብሎም በርዕዮት ላይ የቀረበው ሰነድ፤ከሌሎች የሙያ ባልደረቦች ጋር በህገወጥነት የተሰበሰበ የኢሜይል ልውውጥ፤በስለላ መዋቅሩ የተጠለፈ የቴሌፎን ንግግር፤ሲሆን ከሁሉም ጋር ያደረገችው ልውውጥ ግን ሰላማዊ ትግልና ለማጠናከር ሊደረግ የሚገባውን የሚያመላክት ብቻ ነበር፡፡ ርዕዮት በፍትሕ ጋዜጣና በኢትዮጵያን ሪቪዩ ድህረገጽ ላይ ያወጣችው ጽሁፍም በማስረጃነት ቀርቧል፡፡ ከፍርድ ቤት መቅረብ አስቀድሞ ርዕዮትና ውብሸት ታዬ (የአውራምባ ጋዜጣ አዘጋጅ) ከጠበቃ ጋር የመገናኘት መብታቸው ታግዶባቸው ነበርና ጠበቃ ማነጋገር አልቻሉም፡፡ ቃለ መጠይቅም የሚባለው ስርአት ያጣ ሂደትም በሚካሄድበት ወቅት የጠበቃቸው ውክልና መብት እንደታገደ ነበር፡፡ በምርመራ ወቅት የደረሰባቸውን ወከባና ስቃይ፤ የህክምና መከልከልን አቤቱታቸውን፤ ያ አሳፋሪ ፍርድ ቤት ለመስማት እንኳ ፈቃደኛ አልነበረም፡፡
ዛሬ ግን ርዕዮት ይህን ታላቅ እውቅናና ሽልማት ስትሰጥ ለማየት በመብቃቴ እጅጉን እኮራለሁ፡፡ በ2007ም ይህንኑ ሽልማት ሰርክዓለም ፋሲል ስትሞሸርበት ደስታዬ ወሰን አልነበረውም፡፡ ወጣት ኢትዮጵያዊያን ጀግኖች እጅጉን አስከፊ በሆነ ገዢ ባለስልጣን መንግስት ላይ እውነትን በመናገርና የሕዝብን ጥቅም ለማስጠበቅ ቆርጠው በመነሳታቸው ሰበብ ለእስርና ለግፍ ስቃይ የተዳረጉት ዓለም አቀፍ እውቅና፤ ክብርና ሞገስ ሲቸራቸው ከማየት የበለጠ ምን የሚያስደስት ነገርአለና!?
ርዕዮትና ሰርክዓለምን ለዚህ ክብር ያበቃቸው “ጥንካሬያቸው” ምነድን ነው? ጥንካሬ በተለያየ መልኩ ይከሰታል፡፡ እራሱን ለመስዋእትነት ለማሳለፍ ቆርጦ በጦር ግንባር የተሰለፈ ተዋጊ አደጋው ከፊትለፊቱ እንዳለ ቢያውቅም በጥንካሬው ይጋፈጠዋል፡፡ ወጣት የሆነች ሴት ‹‹ጭቆናና ድምጻቸው የታፈነባቸው ምትክ ለመሆንና ጩኸታቸውን ለመጮህ፤ እሮሯቸውን ለማሰማት፤ ለሕዝብ በመወገን፤ አቆማለሁ›› ለማለት መቁረጥ የሚጠይቀውን ዋጋም ለመክፈል ቆርጦ መነሳት ጥንካሬን ያሳያል፡፡ “ጥንካሬ” በራሱ ግን ምንድን ነው? ታላቁ ፈላስፋ እንደሚለው ‹‹ጥንካሬ በውስጥ በህሊናችን በመንፈሳችን የሚገኝ ግፊት ነው፡፡ በመረረው አደጋ ውስጥ እንድንጋፈጠውና ገትረን እንድንቋቋመው ያስችለናል፡፡›› ሌሎች እንደሚሉት ደግሞ ጥንካሬ በፍርሃትና በጅልነት መሃል የሚገኝ ነው፡፡ ምናልባትም ጥንካሬ ሌሎችንም ዋጋዎችን ቆራጥነትን፤የዓላማ ጽናትን፤ፈቃደኝነትን፤ትእግስትን፤አሳቢነትን አመኔታን ያካተተ፤ ሊሆን ይችላል፡፡ ጥንካሬን ዓላማቸው ያደረጉ ርዕዮትና ሌሎችም መስሎቿ በግል ለሚደርስባቸው ችግር፤መከራ ስቃይ ወይም እስርና እንግልት ጨርሶ አያስቡም አያስፈራቸውም፡፡ ስለዚህም እንደ ርዕዮትና ሰርክ ዓለም ያሉ ጠንካሮች እህቶችና እስክንድር ነጋንና ውብሸት ታዬን የመሰሉ ቆራጦች ስላሉን በእጅጉ ልንኮራ ይገባናል፡፡ እንደ ሰብአዊ ፍጡር ከፍተኛውን የጥናካሬ ደረጃ ያመላከቱንን ኢትዮጵያዊያን ጋዜጠኞች በእስር በመማቀቅ ላይ ቢሆኑም መከራና ችግሩ፤ ግፉና ጭካኔው ግን ጨርሶ ከዓላማቸው ዝንፍ ጥንካሬያቸውንም ሸብረክ አላደረገውም፡፡
በኦክቶበር 24/2012 በሽልማቱ ስነ ስርአት ላይ የተነበበው የርዕዮት የእጅ ጽሁፍ መልእክት ለመጪው ትውልድ የጥንካሬ ማረጋገጫ ነው፡፡የታሪክ ነጻነት፤የፕሬስ ነጻነት፤በኢትዮጵያ በሚጻፍበት ጊዜ መጪው ትውልድ ይህን የርዕዮትንና ሌሎችንም እውነታዊ መልዕክቶች ያነባል፡፡ ጊዜያዊ ግፈኛ ገዢዎች ሕዝቡን ለስቃይና ሚዛን ላጣው ግፍ በዳረገበት መራር ወቅት ርዕዮትና መሰሎቿ ሃሰትን በማጋለጥና ለግፍ እምቢታን በመምረጣቸው ለእስራት ቢበቁም ቀኑ ሲመጣ ግን በድርጊታቸው የሚኮሩ ይሆናሉ፡፡ ከዓላማዋ ሳታፈገፍግ፤ በዓለም ካሉት ወህኒዎች ሁሉ ያዘቀጠና ግፍ የበዛበት ቦታ ሆና( ወህኒው በኢትዮጵያ የገዢው መንግስት በከፍተኛ ገንዘብ የቀጠረው ኤክስፐርት እንደገለጸው) ለዓላማዋ በመቆም፤ በተራ መጻፊያና በብጭቅጫቂ ወረቀት ላይ በማቃሰት ላይ ያለውን አምባገነን መንግሥት ከወህኒ ቤት ሆና እየሞገተችውናእየሞጨረች እየተዋጋች ነው፡፡
በኢትዮጵያችን የተሻለ ሁኔታ እንዲመጣ ለማገዝ የበኩሌን አስተዋጽኦ ማድረግ አለብኝ፡፡ በርካታ ፍትሕ አልባነት፤ጭቆናዎች፤በኢትዮጵያ ውስጥ በየቀኑ በየሰአቱ በየደቂቃው በመፈጸም ላይ ናቸውና በጽሁፌ እንዚህን ሁኔታዎች እያነሳሁና እያጋለጥኩ መኮነን ይኖርብኛል፡፡ ንጹሃን ነጻነትንና ዴሞክራሲን ለመጠየቅ ባዶ እጃቸውን አለ የሚባለውን ሕገ መንግስት ላይ የሰፈረውን በማመን ሰልፍ በመውጣታቸው መረሸናቸው፤የተቃዋሚ ፓርቲዎችን አመራሮች ማሸነፋቸው ወንጀል ሆኖባቸው፤ የነጻው ፕሬስ አባላት አመለካከታቸውና አቋማቸው ከጨቋኙ አገዛዝ የተለየ በመሆኑ፤ ስለመብት መነፈግ በመሟገታቸው፤ ብክንትን፤በተመለከተ ሁኔታዎች መለወጥ እንዳለባቸው በመናገራቸው ለወህኒ መዳረጋቸውን ቀድሞም የጻፍኩበት ነው፡፡ ያንን ሳደርግም ይህን ለማድረግ በረዳኝ ጥንካሬዬ የተነሳ ዋጋ እንደምከፍልበት ተረድቼ ነው፡፡ ሆኖም ግን ጋዜጠኝነት እኔ እራሴን የምሰዋለት ሙያ መሆኑን አውቃለሁ፡፡ በሌላ አንጸር ደግሞ የኢህአዴግ ጋዜጠኞች የፕሮፓጋንዳና ቆርጦ ቀጥል አገልጋይ፤ የታዘዙትን እንጂ የታዘቡትን የማይጽፉ ጋዜጠኛ ናችሁ የተባሉ ግን ያልሆኑ የገዢው መደብ አገልጋዮች እንደሆኑም እረዳለሁ፡፡ለኔ ግን ጋዜጠኞች ድምጽ ላጡ ድምጽ ሆነው የሚሰዉ ቆራጥና ጥንካሬያቸው የማይገበር መሆናቸውን አውቃለሁ፡፡
ስለዚህም ነው በጭቆና መከራ ውስጥ ስላሉት እውነታውን በተመለከተ በርካታ ጽሁፎች ያቀረብኩት፡፡በዚህ ሳቢያ በርካታ ችግሮች ቢያጋጥሙኝም፤ እኔ ግን ለእምነቴ፤ ዓላማዬና ሙያዬ በጥንካሬ እቆማለሁ፡፡በመጨረሻም ዓለም አቀፉ ሕብረተሰብ ስለ እውነቷ ኢትዮጵያ እንዲራደ አበክሬ እጠይቃለሁ፡፡እውነተኛዋ ኢትዮጵያ በኢትዮጵያ ቴሌቪዥን እንደምታይዋት አለያም የገዢው መደብ ባለስልጣናት ፈጥረውና የሌለውን እንዳለ፤ ያልተሞከረውን እንደተከናወነ፤ ያልታሰበውን እንደተፈጸመ አድርገው እንደሚያወሩላችሁም አይደለም፡፡በእውነተኛዋ ኢትዮጵያ ውስጥ ከመጠን ያለፈ ጭቆና እየተካሄደ ነው፡፡በነጻ በማሰባቸው ምክንያት ለእስር የተዳረጉት ኢትዮጵያውያን እኔ የምተርክላችሁ እውነት መሆኑን ያረጋግጡላችኋል፡፡እባካችሁ አቅማችሁ በፈቀደ መጠን ይህን ሁኔታ ለመለወጥ ሞክሩ፡፡
ማንም የጥንካሬን እውነተኛ ትርጓሜ ማወቅ ቢያሻው፤በፍልስፍና ጽሁፎችና አተረጓጎም ውስጥ አለያም በወታደራዊ ታሪኮች ውስጥ ለማግኘት አይሞክር፡፡ ከዚህ የርዕዮት ጽሁፍ በመማር ወደ ተግባር ይቀይሩት፡፡
ሌሎቻችን ጥቂት አለያም ጨርሶ ምንም ሳናደርግ እየኖርን ባለንበት እንደ ርዕዮት ያሉትን ግለሰቦች ጥንካሬን ተላብሰው ይህን እንዲያደርጉ የሚያተጋቸው ምንድን ነው እያልኩ ብዙ ጊዜ እገረማለሁ፡፡ ከጥንካሬና ከዓላማ ቁርጠኝነት ጋር አብረው ተወልደው ነው ወይስ በኋላ ያገኙት፤ከሆነስ የትና እንዴት ነው ያገኙት? ይህ ጥንካሬ በአጋጣሚ የተቀላቀላቸው ነው? ለርዕዮትና ለመሰሎቿ የሞራል ግዴታ የሆነባቸው ስልምንድን ነው? ይህ ሊሆን የሚገባው ሳይሆን በመቅረቱ ለምን? ብለው ሌሎቻችን ግን እንደሆነው ስንቀበል እነሱ ለምንን ዋነኛ መልስ ፈላጊ መብት አድርገው ማየት የቻሉት? ርዕዮትስ ሌሎችችን ከወህኒ ውጪ ሆነን በድሎት መኖርን ስንመርጥ ከዚያ የግፍ መጋዘን ከሆነው ወህኒ ቤት ‹‹በኢትዮጵያ ውስጥ የተሸለ ሁኔታን ለማምጣት የበኩሌን አስተዋጽኦ ማድረግ አለብኝ ብዬ አምናለሁ›› ብላ ለምን መልእክቷን አስተላለፈች? ‹‹መቼም ቢሆን ለዓላማዬና ለሙያዬ በጥንካሬ እቆማለሁ›› በማለት በቆራጥነት ምን አናገራት? ‹‹ እባካችሁ አቅማችሁ በፈቀደ መጠን በኢትዮጵያ ይህን ሁኔታ ለመለወጥ ሞክሩ››፡፡ በማለትስ ለምን ተምጽኖ አሰማች? አብዛኛዎቻችን ለሃሞተቢስነታችን በበርካታው እንዲከፈለን ስንስማማ ርዕዮትን በተለይ ሁኔታው የሞራል ግዴታዋ እንዲሆን ምን አስገደዳት?
እንደ ርዕዮት ላሉት ወጣቶች እጅጉን ልዩ በሆነ መልኩ ብርታትንና ጥንካሬን ያላበሳቸው ምን እንደሆነ ማሰብ እንኳን መጀመር ያስቸግረኛል፡፡ምንልባትም ይህን መሰሉ ጥንካሬ ለተለዩ የዘመኑ ወጣቶች የተሰጠ ጸጋ ሊሆን ይችላል፡፡ ምናልባትም እኛ የዕድሜ ባለጸጎቹ ይህን የሚያላብሰን የደም ስራችን፤ ወኔያችን፤የአመለካከት ሚዛናችን ተዳክሞብን ይሆናል፡፡ ምናልባትም ለአንዳንዶቻችን ጥንካሬ ሽንፈት፤ ቅሌት ደግሞ ክብር፤ፍርሃትም ጀግንነት፤ መቀሳፈት እውነተኛነት ይመስለን እንደሁ አላውቅም፡፡ ነገር ግን ስንቶቹ በዚህ ‹‹በነጻው ዓለም ዋና ከተማ›› የሚኖሩ በብእር ስም፤ በስውር ስምና በሌላም መልኩ በርካታ ጦማሮችን መጠሪያ ስማቸውን በመደበቅ እንደሚከትቡ አውቃለሁ፡፡ ሌሎችም የራሳቸውን ጥቅም ለማስጠበቅና፤ ችሮታ ፍለጋና ቤተሰብነትን ለማግኘት በማለት የአምገነኑን ገዢ ስርአትና አገልጋዮቹን ለማስደሰት ያለውን እውነታ በመካድም እንደሚጽፉ አውቃለሁ፡፡ እንዲሁም በሃገር ውስጥ ስላለው መከራና ግፍ፤ የኑሮ ውድነትና ሌሎችም መብቶች ስለመገፈፋቸውና ሕዝቡ ለስቃይ መዳረጉን በዝምታ ማለፍን ምርጫቸው ያደረጉም አውቃለሁ፡፡ በግል ጨዋታ ግን ተቃውሟቸውን ያዥጎደጉዱታል፡፡ በሌላ በኩል ደግሞ እንደርዕዮት ያሉት ጠንካሮች ለምን ለጥንካሬያቸው የሚፈለገውን ያህል ዋጋ ለመክፈል ፈቃደኛ እንደሆኑና ሌሎቻችን ደግሞ ይህን ጥንካሬ እንዳጣነው ያስገርመኛል፡፡በአጭሩ ከጥንካሬ ጋር የተለያየነው ሃሞታችን ስለፈሰሰና ለጊዜው በሚገኝ ሽርፍራፊ ጥቅም ስንል ጥንካሬያችንን ጠቅልለን ለሃሰትና ለመስሎ መኖርነት በመሸጣችን ነው ልበል?
እኔ ርዕዮትን አላውቃትም:: የሞራል ብቃቷንና ጥንካሬዋን ግን በአድናቆት አከብራለሁ፡፡ርዕዮትና መሰሎቿ የሚኖሩት በሃሳባቸው ጸንተው፤በእምነታቸው ተማምነው እነዚህ እሴቶቻቸው በሚፈጥሩላቸው ሁኔታ ነው፡፡ በዓላማቸው ጸንተው በሞራል ግዴታቸው ተማምነው ያላቸውንና መደረግ አለበት ብለው ለሚያምኑበት ሁሉ ችሮታቸውን ሳያጓድሉ ለዚያ ለቆሙለት እውነታ በማድረግ ነው፡፡ ምንግዜም በውስጠ ህሊናቸው ውስጥ የሞራል ግዴታቸውን የሚያነቃቃና የሚያስተገብራቸው ሃይል አላቸው፡፡ የተሸለ ዓለም፤ ሚዛናዊ የሆነ፤ሰዎች ሁሉ ያላንዳች ችግርና በደል ሊኖሩበት የሚችሉ ለማድረግ፤ ሊቆጣጠሩት የማይችሉት ፍላጎትና የተግባር ጽናት በውስጣቸው አለ፡፡ ዘወትር ጭንቀታቸውና ፍላጎታቸው የሰው ልጅ ደስታና የተደላደለ ሰላማዊ ኑሮ እንዲኖረው ማድረግ ነው፡፡ ፍትሕ ሲዛባ፤ሥልጣን አለአግባብ መጠቀሚያ ሲሆን፤አድልዎ ሲፈጸም ህሊናቸው በጣሙን ይጎዳና እረፍት ይነሳቸዋል:: ስለዚህም ያንን ተቋቁሞ እንዲስተካከል መታገልን ተቀዳሚ ግዴታቸው ያደርጋሉ፡፡ እንደ ርዕዮት ያሉ ዜጎች ለግል ፍላ ጎታቸውና ድሎታቸው ጨርሶ አይጨነቁም፡፡ እኔ የሚባል እራስን የማስቀደም በሽታ ሊይዛቸው ቀርቶ ባጠገባቸውም ደርሶ አያውቅም፡፡ እነሱ ለራሳቸው ሳይሆን ለሰብአዊ ፍጡራን መብትና ጥቅም ብቻ የቆሙ ናቸውና፡፡ ሌሎች ሰዎች ክንዋኔያቸውን እንዲያመሰግኑላቸው አለያም እንዲፈቅዱላቸው አይጠብቁም፡፡ የስብስብ አርቲ ቡርቲና የስብስብ ዋጋ ቢስ አስተሳሰብ ያማቸዋል፡፡ ለራሳቸው የጥንካሬ ብርታት ሊከፈል የሚገባው ዋጋ እንዳለና ያም የሚያስከትለውን እኩይ ሁኔታ ቢያውቁትም ያንን ሁሉ ለመክፈል ፈቃደኛ ናቸው፡፡ የጥንካሬ ዋጋገው በመንፈሳቸው ጉዳት የሚከፈል መሆኑን ቢረዱም ያንንም ተቀብለውታል፡፡ እንዲህ ነው የአልበገሬዎች ሕይወትና ታሪካቸው!
ርዕዮት ከዚያ የጭቆናና የግፍ ማጎርያ ወህኒ በማንኛውም ጊዜ ልትወጣ ትችላለች፡፡ ለዚህም ማድረግ ያለባት በጉልበቷ ተንበርክካ እራሷን ዝቅ አድርጋ ከአሳሪዎቿ ይቅርታን መለመን ነው፡፡ ርዕዮት አንዳችም በደል አልፈጸመችም ስለዚህ ምንም በደል ባለመፈጸሟ ላልሰራችው ጥፋት ጨርሶ ይቅርታ መጠየቅ የሷ ስብእና አይደለም፡፡ በዚያ ማፈርያ ፍርድ ቤት ተብዬ መጋዘን ውስጥ በተላለፈው ፍትህ አልባ ፍርዳቸው ጋዜጠኛ አባቷን ልጃቸው ይቅርታ እንድትጠይቅ ይመክሯት እንደሆን ሲጠይቃቸው መልሳቸው፡-
ይህ ምናልባት አንድ ወላጅ ሊደርስበት የሚችል ግን አስቸጋሪ ጥያቄ ነው፡፡ ሁላችንም ወላጆች ሳናውቀው ከልጆቻችን ጋር የሚያስተሳስረን የደም ትስስር የሃሳብ ክር አለ፡፡ ሁል ጊዜ ለልጆቻችን መልካሙን ብቻ እንመኛለን፡፡ ከማንኛውም ጉዳት ፈጣሪ እንዲታደጋቸው እንጸልያለን፡፡ ያም ሆኖ ግን ይቅርታ መጠየቁን በተመለከተ ያ የራሷ የርዕዮት ውሳኔ ነው፤ እኔም ውሳኔዋ ምንም ይሁን ምን ያን አከብርላታለሁ፡፡ መሰረታዊ ጥያቄህን ለመመለስ፤እኔ አባቷ እንደመሆኔ ስለውሳኔዋ ያለኝና የሚኖረኝም አቋም አንዳችም ጎጂ ምግባር ያልፈጸመች ንጡህ በመሆኗ ይቅርታ ያውም ያለ ጥፋቷ እንድትጠይቅ አልፈልግም አልመክራትምም፡፡ ምንም ወንጀል አልፈጸመችምና፡፡
ስለሞራል ጥንካሬ በአንድ ወቅት ሮበርት ኬነዲ ሲናገሩ፤‹‹ይህን በመከራ የተጨናነቀ ዓለምን ለመለወጥ የሚፈቅዱ ሁሉ ያላቸው ልዩ ብቃት የሞራል ጥንካሬ ብቻ ነው፡፡ አንድ ሰው ለአዲስ ሃሳብ ሲነሳሳ ወይም የብዙዎችን ሃሳብ ሲመዝን፤ አለያም ፍትህ መዛባቱን ሲሞግት፤ እያንዳንዱ በየራሱ ትንንሽ አስተዋጽኦ በሚያደርግበት ወቅት እነዚህ ትንንሽ አስተዋጽኦዎች ተጠራቅመው ጠንካራ ጉልበት በመሆን ተኩራርቶና ማን ደፍሮኝ በሚል ከንቱ እምነት የተወጠረውን ያንን የመከራና የስቃይ ፋብሪካ የሆነውን ኃያል ነኝ ባይ ያኮራምተዋል::›› እህታችን ርዕዮትም በኢትዮጵያ የሚካሄደውን ጭቆናና የፈላጭ ቆራጭ ገዢዎች እኩይ ምግባር ለመዋጋትና በሰላማዊ መንገድ ታግሎ ማሸነፍ መቻሉን የሚያመላክት ትንሽ ግን ወሳኝና ጠንካራ መልእክቷን ለ90 ሚሊዮን ደጋፊዎቿ አስተላልፋለች፡፡
በዚህ አጋጣሚ እኔም ርዕዮትን የጥንካሬን ትክክለኛ ገጽታ ስላስተማረችን አክብሮት የተመላበት ምስጋናዬን አቀርብላታለሁ፡፡(ምንም እንኳን የኔ ትውልድ ያንን ጠንካራና ግን ትንሽ መልእክቷን ማዳመጥ ቢሳነውም) እኔ ርዕዮት ለእራሷ ትውልድ ለላከቻት መልእክት አሁንም አመሰግናታለሁ፡፡ በብዕሯ ድጋፍና መሳርያነት ጭቆናን ለሕዝብ ለማልበስ በመጣር ላይ ያለውን ስርአት የጭቆናን ግርግዳ በብእሯና በብጫቂ ወረቀቷ ለመቦጫጨቅ በመነሳቷም አመሰግናታለሁ፡፡ እኛ ገሃድ የሆነውን የጭቆና ጫና አንሰማም አናይም ስለ እሱም አንናገርም ማለትን ስንመርጥ ርዕዮትና መሰሎቿ ግን በዚያ በአሰቃቂው ወህኒ ይማቅቃሉ፡፡ በጨቋኞችና በእኩይ አሳቢዎችና ፈጻሚዎች አመለካከት ላይ ሶስት ምርጫዎች አሉን፡፡ሃቁን ሸሽተነው በሃፍረት ሸማ ተሸፍነን መኖር፡፡ ምንም ጭቆና የለም በማለት ያለውን ክደን መኖር፡፡ አለያም ልክ እንደርዕዮት ሁሉ ያንን እኩይ ምግባር በጥንካሬ በመጋፈጥ ድምጻቸውን ለታፈኑ ድምጽ ለመሆንና ሰብአዊ ክብር ለመላበስ መወሰን፡፡ ድምጻቸው ለታፈነባቸው ድምጽ መሆንን ባንደፈርውም፤ ድምጻቸው ለታፈነባቸው ድምጽ በመሆናቸው ለእስር ለተዳረጉትስ ድምጽ መሆን ምርጫችን ሊሆን አይገባም?
እንደ ርዕዮት፤ሰርክዓለም፤እስክንድር ነጋ፤ውብሸት ታዬ፤ዳዊት ከበደ የመሳሰሉት ጀግኖቻችን በዓለም አቀፉ ሕብረተሰብ ሲከበሩና ለጥንካሬያቸው የሚገባቸውን ክብርና ሞገስ በያዓመቱ ሲሰጣቸው፤ እኛም ተግባራቸውን በቅርብ እያየንና እያወቅንም ዝምታችንን ብቻ መለገሳችን የሚያም: የሚያሳፍር የሚያሳዝን ሁኔታ ነው፡፡ ለምንድን ነው የማናከብራቸው? ማንነታቸውን የማናደንቅላቸው? የሚገባቸውን ክብርና ሞገስ በአደባባይ የማናውጅላቸው ለምን ይሆን? ለርዕዮቶቻችን፤ ለሰርካለሞቻችን፤ ለእስክንድሮቻችን፤……የዓለም ሕብረተሰብ ለምን ያከብራቸዋል?
‹‹በኢትዮጵያ የተሻለ ነገ እንዲመጣ የበኩሌን አስተዋጽኦ ማድረግ እንዳለብኝ አምናለሁ::›› ርዕዮት ዓለሙ
የተቶረገመው ጽሁፍ (translated from):
Ethiopia’s Reeyot: “The Price for My Courage”
(ይህን ጦማር ለሌሎችም ያካፍሉ::)
ካሁን በፊት የቀረቡ የጸሃፊው ጦማሮችን ለማግኘት እዚህ ይጫኑ::
http://www.ecadforum.com/Amharic/archives/category/al-mariam-amharic
There are few things more difficult or dangerous than speaking truth to abusers of power. But for Reeyot Alemu, the 31 year-old young Ethiopian heroine of press freedom, no price is high enough to keep her from being “the voice of the voiceless”. She will speak truth to power even when she is muzzled and gagged and in prison: “I knew that I would pay the price for my courage and I was ready to accept that price,” said Reeyot in her moving handwritten letter covertly taken out of prison.
“Courage is the most important of all the virtues, because without courage you can’t practice any other virtue consistently,” said Maya Angelou, the great African American civil rights advocate and literary figure. Last week, the International Women’s Media Foundation (IWMF) awarded Reeyot Alemu its prestigious “2012 Courage in Journalism Award”. Last May, I wrote a column on Reeyot (Young Heroine of Ethiopian Press Freedom), expressing my outrage over the “legal” process used to railroad her to prison:
The so-called evidence of “conspiracy” against Reeyot in kangaroo court consisted of intercepted emails and wiretapped telephone conversations she had about peaceful protests and change with other journalists. Reeyot’s articles in Feteh and other publications on the Ethiopian Review website on the activities of opposition groups were also introduced as evidence. Reeyot and Woubshet Taye [editor of Awramba Times] had no access to legal counsel during their three months in pretrial detention. Both were denied counsel during interrogations. The kangaroo court refused to investigate their allegations of torture, mistreatment and denial of medical care in detention…
Today, I am ecstatically proud to see Reeyot as a recipient of the IWMF award for 2012. When Serkalem Fasil won the same award in 2007, I was overjoyed. What can be more awesome than having young imprisoned Ethiopian journalists standing up for the truth and against tyranny and lies being recognized, honored and celebrated for their heroic efforts by the world?
But what is the “courage” for which Reeyot and Serkalem were honored? Courage comes in many forms. The soldier who fights on the battlefield despite immediate danger to his life is driven by courage. A young woman who stands up to tyranny and defiantly declares, “I will be a voice for the voiceless and am prepared to pay the price”, is equally driven by courage. But what is courage itself? The great philosophers tell us that courage is a virtue that is manifested in the endurance of our body, mind and spirit. It enables us to “stand immovable in the midst of dangers”. Others say courage is found between cowardice and rashness. Perhaps courage is a vessel that contains other virtues including perseverance, tenacity, determination, patience, compassion and moral conviction in one’s beliefs. Those who practice courage in their lives, like Reeyot and others, do so despite personal sorrow and hardship, popular opposition, condemnation or commendation or official persecution and prosecution. We should be proud to have young women like Reeyot and Serkalem and young men like Eskinder Nega and Woubshet Taye and so many other jailed and exiled Ethiopian journalists who exemplify the highest standards of courage as human beings, citizens and journalists.
Reeyot’s handwritten statement read at the IWMF award ceremony in N.Y. on October 24, 2012 is a testament to courage for the ages. When the history of freedom — press freedom– in Ethiopia is written, future generations of Ethiopians will read the words of Reeyot and others like her and take pride in the fact that when the chips were down and the heavy boots of dictatorship crushed the people and trampled over their rights, there were few who stood for truth and against falsehood; for truth and against tyranny; and for truth, honor and country. It is truly inspiring to see a young woman who is confined in one of the worst prisons in the world (a prison described as barbaric and primitive by none other than a world renowned expert hired by the ruling regime in Ethiopia) standing up defiantly and fighting a ruthless dictatorship from prison with a ballpoint pen and scraps of paper:
I believe that I must contribute something to bring a better future [in Ethiopia]. Since there are a lot of injustices and oppressions in Ethiopia, I must reveal and oppose them in my articles.
Shooting the people who march through the streets demanding freedom and democracy, jailing the opposition party leaders and journalists because of only they have different looking from the ruling party, preventing freedom of speech, association and the press, corruption and domination of one tribe are some of the bad doings of our government. As a journalist who feels responsibility to change these bad facts, I was preparing articles that oppose the injustices I explained before. When I did it, I know that I would pay the price for my courage and I was ready to accept that price. Because journalism is a profession that I am willing to devote myself. I know for EPRDF, journalists must be only propaganda machines for the ruling party. But for me, journalists are the voices of the voiceless. That’s why I wrote many articles which reveal the truth of the oppressed ones. Even if I am facing a lot of problems because of it, I always stand firmly for my principle and profession. Lastly, I want to ask the international community to understand about the real Ethiopia. The real Ethiopia isn’t like that you watch in Ethiopia television or as you listen to the government officials talk about it. In real Ethiopia, a lot of repressions are being done. My story can show you the story of many Ethiopians who are in prison because of their independent thinking. Please, try your best to change this bad reality.
If anyone should seek the real definition of courage, let them not look for it in philosophical discourses or the annals of military history. Let them read these words from Reeyot and apply them to their cause.
But I often wonder: What makes individuals like Reeyot do what they do while the rest of us do very little or nothing? Were they born with courage or did they acquire it; and if so how and where? Was courage thrust upon them by circumstances? Why is it a moral imperative for Reeyot and others like her to “dream of things that never were, and ask why not” when many of us “look at things the way they are, and ask why?”. Why did Reeyot defiantly declare from prison, “I believe that I must contribute something to bring a better future [in Ethiopia]” while many of us sit comfortably in freedom and are only concerned about contributions to bettering ourselves? Why did she resolutely proclaim, “I always stand firmly for my principle and profession.”? Why would she plead with the world, “Please, try your best to change this bad reality [in Ethiopia].” Why is it a moral imperative for Reeyot to pay a price for her courage while most of us expect to be paid handsomely for our cowardice?
I cannot even begin to fathom the extraordinary courage of young people like Reeyot. Perhaps courage is a virtue reserved for some very special young people. Perhaps many of us in the older generation have lost our nerve, our mettle, our consciences. Perhaps some of us believe courage is cowardice, shame is honor, fear is valor and falsehood is truth. I don’t know. But I do know many who live in the “capital of the free world” write lofty opinions using pen names, pseudonyms and noms de guerre. They will boldly profess the “truth” while hiding their identity in anonymity. I know many who shade, decorate and nuance the ugly truth about dictatorship with eloquent words of ambiguity, evasiveness and equivocation just to serve their personal interests. I know many who are willing to testify the whole truth about tyranny in private but not a word in public. I have heard many speak the language of silence against tyranny. I have seen many pretend to be deaf, mute and blind to crimes against humanity. I have also wondered why Reeyot and others like her are willing to pay the price for their courage and many of us lack courage. Could it be that we are unwilling to pay the price for the courage of our convictions because we have neither courage nor convictions?
I do not know Reeyot, but I know and deeply honor the courage of her moral convictions. People like Reeyot live according to ideas and beliefs that originate in higher moral, spiritual and patriotic purposes. They take a moral stand and give everything they have got for what they believe ought or should be done. They have moral concerns which reside deep in their consciences. They are driven by irrepressible impulses to help create a better world, a more just, equal and compassionate society. They are deeply concerned about their fellow human beings and the human condition. They are outraged and disgusted by injustice, abuse of power and arbitrariness because it offends their basic sense of morality. Citizens like Reeyot are neither bound nor motivated by personal gain. They do not seek the approval of others. They reject herd mentality and groupthink. They know there is a personal price to be paid for their courage and are willing to pay pay it come what may. They know the price for their courage is the price of their soul. Such is the life story of heroes and heroines!
Reeyot can walk out of that “barbaric” prison at any time. All she has to do is get down on her knees, bow down her head and beg to be “pardoned”. But Reeyot does not want a pardon because she has done nothing wrong for which she needs to be pardoned. Following her sentence in kangaroo court, Reeyot’s father, responding to a reporter’s question on whether he would advise his daughter to apologize and beg for a pardon, replied:
This is perhaps one of the most difficult questions a parent can face. As any one of us who are parents would readily admit, there is an innate biological chord that attaches us to our kids. We wish nothing but the best for them. We try as much as humanly possible to keep them from harm…. Whether or not to beg for clemency is her right and her decision. I would honor and respect whatever decision she makes… To answer your specific question regarding my position on the issue by the fact of being her father, I would rather have her not plead for clemency, for she has not committed any crime.
Robert F. Kennedy once said, “moral courage is … the one essential, vital quality for those who seek to change a world that yields most painfully to change. Each time a person stands up for an idea, or acts to improve the lot of others, or strikes out against injustice, (s)he sends forth a tiny ripple of hope, and crossing each other from a million different centers of energy and daring, those ripples build a current that can sweep down the mightiest walls of oppression and resistance.” Because our sister Reeyot stood up and exposed the injustices of Ethiopia’s tyrants, she has sent a tiny ripple of hope to 90 million of her compatriots.
I want to thank and honor Reeyot for teaching us the real meaning of courage. I thank her for sending a tiny ripple of hope to her generation (though I strongly doubt my generation could feel the tiny ripples); for standing up against tyrants and clawing at the mightiest walls of oppression with a ballpoint pen and scraps of paper. Reeyot and so many others languish in prison while the rest of close our eyes, seal our lips and plug our ears so we hear no evil, see no evil and speak no evil about evil. I believe we all have three choices in the face of the evil of tyranny. We can evade and avoid it behind a badge of shame. We can pretend there is no evil behind a badge of indifference. Or we can, like Reeyot, face evil wearing the red badge of courage and become the voice for the voiceless. If we can’t be a voice for the voiceless, could we at least be a voice for those imprisoned voices of the voiceless?
Postscript: It is painful and embarassing for me to see many Ethiopian heroes and heroines like Reeyot, Serkalem, Eskinder Nega, Woubshet Taye, Dawit Kebede and others recognized, honored and celebrated by international human and press rights organizations year after year while we seem oblivious to their extraordinary plight and personal sacrifices. Why can’t we honor them? Celebrate them? Pay tribute to them? If we don’t show love, honor and respect to our Reeyots, Serkalems, Eskinders and …, why should others?
“I believe that I must contribute something to bring a better future in Ethiopia.” Reeyot Alemu
Sapere Aude!!
Amharic translations of recent commentaries by the author may be found at:http://www.ecadforum.com/Amharic/archives/category/al-mariam-amharic and http://ethioforum.org/?cat=24
Previous commentaries by the author are available at:http://open.salon.com/blog/almariam/ and www.huffingtonpost.com/alemayehu-g-mariam/
By Yonas Abiye | Ethiopianreporter.com
October 27, 2012
Looking at a wide portion of Somali or Afar regions, one might be tempted to call it as an unproductive or non-loam soil because of the hottest temperature and the acacia trees as well as thorny prosopis juliflora (derogatorily otherwise known as Woyane tree).
Meanwhile, in the eye of anyone from Israel, this is a funny view. For them, Somali or Afar areas are like a virgin and fertile land.
For Ethiopian pastoralists, whose livelihood depends on animal husbandry, agriculture had almost ‘zero position’. For them livestock are everything. Most of them have a belief that there is no life without livestock.
Though the Ethiopian government, as a national development strategy, had attempted to introduce the agriculture system to pastoralist areas, most of them seem hardly manageable to accept agriculture as an alternative means to their livelihood. Their life is always mobile.
Within these prevailing facts and challenges an Israel company, Agropeace, came to Ethiopia two years ago to engage in the country’s large-scale agriculture mainly focusing in the mass production of biofuel plants and floricultures as well as crops, unlike most local as well as oversees investors who do not dare to engage in such ventures in the region. This is obviously seem that many of the investors, if not all, prefer putting their money near fertile lands of the country around Addis Ababa and in the nearest and relatively modest towns.
Meanwhile, Agropeace looks determined to grow more in one of the country’s hottest and remote areas of Somali region such as Shinile and Gad districts.
In fact, for a longtime, ploughing lands or having agriculture practice has been an unusual, or unpreferable business in Shinile and Gad localities which are not very far from the town of Dire Dawa.
Having secured nearly 2000 hectares from the Somali region four years ago, Agropeace launched its first pilot project by producing maize and caster seeds. Since such kind of agri-business has not been common in the pastoralist’s areas, for Agropeace it was a challenging mission to gain the support of the local residents.
According to the existing tradition of most pastoralists, every plot of land belongs to their communal property where they feed their cattle no matter the title deed given to them as is common in other parts of Ethiopia. As a result, the Israel company had not received positive welcome from the resident pastoralist communities from Shinile as well as Gad.
So, the company had to work hard to get the goodwill of the pastoralists. Eventually since water shortage is the serious problem of the, Agropeace first built around six wells and delivered water to the community for their livelihood and to their livestock. Next, in its first year the company produced tomato, green pepper and maize and distributed it to the community. This was also coupled by teaching them a new trend of agricultural production on how to produce it and create employment opportunities.
Recently, the company organized a two-days field trip where its major shareholders from the US and the UK, along with the Israeli Ambassador to Ethiopia, as well as local officials visited the project sites in Shinile and Gad.
Briefing on the progress of the project, the founder of the company, Zir Brosh, told visitors that “the project is very promising. So far, from this pilot project, we have learnt that the area is very fertile and suitable for castor, any crops and vegetables so that we are able to grow year round. “
Yohash Zohar, the general manager of Agropeace Ethiopia, said that despite some challenges the company faces as an initial development cost the company is profitable in a short period of time.
“This project, I believe, will be a benchmark for Ethiopia and will attract many other foreign investors,” he told The Reporter.
“We truly believe that the drier regions of Ethiopia such as Somali and Afar regions can actually be the bread-basket of Ethiopia,” he said, adding that with the right development and usage of underground water they (Afar and Somali regions) can produce more cash crops probably for all other parts of Ethiopia together.
He also explained that the advantage of investing in the Somali region is also advantageous, logistically citing its proximity to the Port of Djibouti.
“It makes a lot of sense to invest in such areas,” Zohar said.
According to the general manager, the company is investing a total amount of 20 million dollars for its 2000 hectare project, out of which 70 percent of the investment loan is acquired from Development Bank of Ethiopia (DBE) while the rest is partly financed from Agropeace, development partners as well as from the income generated from the project itself.
He told The Reporter that the company aims to start exporting in 2013 for the first time, starting with some 2000 tons of castor seed that is estimated to be roughly worth about 2.5 million dollars.
So far, over 350 hectares of land has been cleared for castor production.
“In Israel we have a lot of experiences in developing deserts and turn it into productive agricultural farm. Once you have enough water and use it with kid gloves, it will be advantageous because being very dry is an advantage. When you have water for irrigation, you can absolutely control how much water you can use for your farm.”
For the company, infrastructure development is a bottleneck challenge that has already forced it to incur core investment costs.
Anteneh Gelaye, chief operation manager of the project, explained that such a kind of investment is the first project in the area.
Anteneh told The Reporter that at that demonstration site, Agropeace has carried out pilot project and has seen satisfactory results particularly in castor seed, soya bean, groundnut as well as maize.
“Though this areas is semi-desert, for example, last year using Israeli technology we grew an American maize seed. And we have harvested about 80 quintals from a hectare while is 30 quintals in normal case.”
The Israeli Ambassador to Ethiopia, Belaynesh Zevadia, hailed the company’s project saying, “I’m happy about this promising achievement. They did a great job.”
She also told the company, “I hope in a couple of years, you would reap good production.
“There is a jewish saying that goes “If you save one life, you will save the world”, Belaynesh said after she saw the water wells the company provided for the local residents “I was born in Gondar and grew up in Addis Ababa before leaving for Israel when I was 17. I didn’t know we have such kind of place. Now I’m proud of being Jewish. I’m proud of Ethiopia. Please keep saving more lives.”
Similarly, the vice president of development DBE, Tadesse Oge’e, praised the company for its project.
“Your commitment to invest in such kind of area is very fantastic while most investors prefer to invest in Addis Ababa and surrounding areas. We are ready to support this project and continue to support it.
Issayas Kebede, from Ministry of Agriculture, on his part said, “This is the kind of development that Ethiopia seeks. When you lose, we lose, when your gain we gain.
For a long time the area was known as one of the country’s smuggling corridor and black market zones.
