The Asmara office of Ethiopian People’s Patriotic Front (EPPF) has issued a statement disputing a recent report on Ethiomedia.com about the execution of 17 members, including the former secretary general.
According to the statement that was sent to Ethiomedia.com yesterday, the EPPF leadership does not recognize the 17 individuals who are listed in the report as being executed.
The statement left me speechless since I have met some of the individuals at the Feb. 2010 EPPF general assembly that was held in Eritrea. The general secretary and the commanders in particular are well known by even those Ethiopians in the Diaspora who have been visiting and supporting EPPF during the past several years.
I have no doubt that the outrageous statement — written in a broken Amharic — was prepared by Col. Fitsum Yisehak, an Eritrean “adviser” to EPPF who has hijacked the organization and became its de facto leader. Following the Feb. 2010 assembly, he has dismissed and arrested many of the newly elected central committee members. Currently, the EPPF officials are nothing more than prisoners of the colonel and have no power to issue any statement. Nevertheless, who ever authored the release of such a blatantly false statement that can easily be proven wrong must be a bumbling idiot or an extremely arrogant person who has contempt toward all Ethiopians.
Ethiopian Review will continue to gather information on the disappearances (and possible execution) of the 17 patriots, as well as many others. I also urge the Government of Eritrea to conduct investigation for the sake of justice and peace. The colonel and his willing collaborators must be brought to justice.
It is no wonder that the possible pardoning of former Derg officials has become a subject of heated controversy among Ethiopians. After all, it is about bunch of people who used (misused) the whole state machinery to brutalize and terrorize the whole country for seventeen long years! After all it is about people who were at the helm of a regime that unsparingly annihilated thousands Ethiopians of all walks of life, probably the summary execution of the top officials of the Imperial regime being the most high profile case. It would be downright wrong, however, to think that the case of those anonymous Ethiopians who were brutally murdered during those trying days is less important.
The vexing question now is whether pardoning those people would be unjust. Some victims’ families (well, if at all there is a family that had not been victimized by the regime) believe pardoning these criminals would be a mockery of justice. Indeed, their pain cannot be overstated. In the nature of things, their opposition to the possible pardon seems to muster sympathy and support. Tekola W. Hagos wrote, with his usual passion and eloquence, but also disturbingly:
[i]n case of those brutal murderers who are under the control of the Ethiopian Government, individuals who had spilt so much innocent blood, execution should be carried out by hanging them from Bole Airport to Meskel Square and also in other Squares, on electric power poles.’’
Such demands are disturbing not because the crimes the convicts are responsible for are any less horrendous, but rather because such kind of punishment serves none of the purposes of criminal punishment, and is, perhaps a little too backward. So, although the author argues otherwise, such vehement desire to see them hanged in public squares are animated by sense vendetta rather than yearning for justice. Yet, it should not be surprising that those who personally witnessed those atrocities feel more strongly towards the perpetrators than those of us who were either not born at the time or were just too young to comprehend what was going on.
Having sad that let me state what I think are critical issues:
1. First, criminal justice is inherently a public affair (not an issue between the perpetrators and victims). It becomes even a national issue when the crime involves not just theft, robbery, or other ordinary crime, but rather genocide (which Derg officials are convicted of) perpetrated by an entire regime over many years practically against the whole nation. My argument is that the crimes committed decades ago had national character. Whether pardoning the convicts (who are ‘vegetating’ in prison anyway) has any national significance at this point in time is something else altogether.
2. Accordingly, it is unequivocally wrong to try to ‘privatize’ the issue. It must be clear to everyone that justice is a function of rules and principles, not feelings (as the writer quoted above has argued). If we are talking about modern criminal justice, the feeling of victims (or towards perpetrators, for that matter) is a completely irrelevant concept.
3. Therefore, the question of whether pardoning Derg officials is just or unjust should be judged based on rules, principles, and its socio-political significance to the nation’s present and future, if any.
Tomorrow, January 13, 2010, is the 5th anniversary of the passing away of Ethiopian scientist and patriot Kitaw Ejigu. Ethiopian Review pays tribute to this great Ethiopian whose life was cut short at a young age.
Brief biography of Dr Kitaw Ejigu (Source: Wikipedia)
Kitaw Ejigu (February 25, 1948 – January 13, 2006) was an Ethiopian-American scientist who worked for NASA as Chief of Spacecraft and Satellite Systems engineer. He was also a political leader.
Kitaw was born in Bonga, Kaffa, Ethiopia. He attended the Miazia 27th High School in Jimma. He then went to Bahir Dar Polytechnic Institute, and in 1966, as the top student in his class, he received his diploma in mechanical engineering with specialization in agricultural technology. After graduating from the Institute, Kitaw worked at the Ethiopian Automotive Services and Sales Company (EASSCO) as chief technical advisor and assistant manager for two years.
In 1972, he won a scholarship from the Japanese Overseas Technical Association and traveled to Japan where he studied automotive engineering at Hiroshima University, as well as language and economics at Osaka University. He later moved to the United States and began his intensive research and training and earned an MBA in 1979. He then completed his doctorate in space vehicle systems engineering from Northrop University in California.
Upon completion of his studies and researches in the late 1970s, he started working for NASA as a system engineer and space research scientist. He collaborated with other scientists on the space shuttle and other rocketry projects. Kitaw Ejigu was Ethiopia’s first aerospace scientist. The only Ethiopian in the field, Kitaw also worked for Rockwell International and Boeing.
Apart from his work as an aerospace scientist, he was also known for his efforts to bring about political change in Ethiopia. He publicly denounced the regime in Ethiopia and its actions and policies. Even though he was ambitious about using his knowledge, experience and high-status to help his homeland Ethiopia , he repeatedly said he was not made welcome by the regime. In 2002, he founded a political party, the Ethiopian National United Front, to help overthrow Meles Zenawi’s regime.
Kitaw Ejigu died at the age of 58 on 13 January, 2006 in the United States.
Shaleqa Dawit Woldegiorgis, the author of Red Tears and former high-level Ethiopian government official, has released a new novel based on true stories. The book is written in Amharic and it is currently being distributed in Ethiopia through underground networks. Artist Debebe Eshetu has written the following book review:
South Sudan has drawn an international attention because of the week-long referendum now underway in that part of the country. The struggle of the people of South Sudan under the leadership of The Sudan People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM), the political wing, and the Sudan People’s Liberation Army (SPLA), the military wing, began three decades ago. It resulted, however, in the death and displacement of millions southern Sudanese. The war had been dubbed by the international media as as a war between the Muslim North and the Christian South.
Indeed it was. However, besides its tinged color of religion, the people of South Sudan had remained one of the most oppressed peoples on our planet. They had been called slaves by the Northerners. They had no share in the political, economic, social and cultural life of the country. Their representation in the government was nominal. In the 1990s, there was a nominal vice president, a state minister in the foreign ministry, and a few diplomats.
During my stay in Sudan for four years, I had never seen a South Sudanese who had a small enterprise, even a shop in the capital city Khartoum. What I saw instead were house maids, guards, and gardeners in the affluent residencies of Northern Sudanese. Observing such a reality, a senior from South Sudan once remarked: “Every Northerner has a dog and a maid or servant from South Sudan.” He equated his people with dogs. Indeed the people of South Sudan were the wretched of the Earth, the miserable.
In my visit to 10 countries, I had never seen people oppressed to such a low degree as the people of South Sudan and North Korea. It needs no telling that the kind of oppression that the people of North Korea are subjected to. Besides the grinding poverty they wallow in, they are under complete control of the Communist regime. They are deprived of any form of right. They live under gun point discipline. The only difference between the two people is that the Koreans live in a developed infrastructure, the South Sudanese in agrarian country at its lowest level of development.
John Garang and Salva Kirr
I saw the late SPLM leader Colonel John Garang in an international airport in the 1990s. He sat alone in a comfortable sofa in the VIP lounge escorted by long and burly body guards. Fully equipped with sophisticated arms, the body guards watchfully scan the people in the lounge. Garang was sober, quiet and seemed to contemplate on his future plan — the guerrilla warfare in South Sudan. The bearded guerrilla leader had a furious look. As soon as a civilian passenger aircraft had arrived and dropped off the passengers, Garang with his guards boarded the plane to Nairobi where he resided.
Dr. Garang was a senior officer in the Sudanese army. He defected from the military and began to head the tortuous struggle to its logical conclusion — the referendum that enables Southerners to decide on their destiny. Unfortunately Dr. Garang has not lived to see it. He died in a mysterious helicopter crash on the common border of Uganda and Sudan upon his return from working visit to Uganda. He was vice president of Sudan for a very short period of time.
I saw Salva Kiir, presently Vice President of Sudan, in Nairobi two times. He was then called “Commander.” He was delegated by Garang to lead the delegation of the SPLM in the negotiation with the delegation of the government. Salva Kiir logically argued his position, the position of the SPLM during the negotiation. Right from the outset he hammered out referendum. The two negotiations held in Nairobi were unsuccessful. Salva Kiir and Co. went straight ahead to the bushes of South Sudan to continue their armed struggle. It was later on that they reached a conclusive agreement — vote on Referendum. Now after 17 years their dream has come true. Southern Sudanese are exhilarated and are casting their ballots. They are eagerly waiting for the result to be revealed at the end of the ballots.
South Sudan has a size equal to France. It has a fine weather, fertile land and oil. Its population is 4 million with three main ethnic groups, Dinka being the main one. Garang was from Dinka ethnic group. Provided that they have good governance, the people of South Sudan can develop and prosper.
What about Federation?
To sum up, I don’t in principle, support secession or separation of a part of a country. At the same time, I strongly oppose oppression from within or outside. The net result will be equality in all walks of life. In the absence of equality, there is the presence of oppression — then struggle not for few years but even decades like Southern Sudanese. Here I would like to present my humble proposal that the Horn of Africa countries should, sooner than later, embark on loose FEDERATION. This mechanism will help them to avoid war, to muster and accelerate economic, social and cultural development. Al Bashir’s dictatorial regime should stop instigating a new war in South Sudan. He is already an indicted war criminal because of his barbaric actions in South Sudan and the Darfur state.
The Woyanne ethnic apartheid junta in Ethiopia has sent thousands of troops to Sudan in a convoy of over 100 military trucks and equipment late last week, according to eyewitnesses at the Ethiopia-Sudan border.
Ethiopian Review sources have reported that the military convoy was heading to the Sudanese city of Al Qadarif.
Yesterday and today South Sudan is holding a referendum on independence and it is feared that the outcome of the vote could lead to violence, although Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir has said he will let the oil-rich south secede peacefully.
AP has reported that at least 30 people were killed today in Abyei region along Sudan’s north-south border.
United Nations spokesman Martin Nesirky said Monday the organization is “extremely concerned” about the reports of clashes and casualties in Abyei.
“The mission is in the process of confirming the numbers (of casualties), and containing the situation with enhanced patrols and engaging with the top leadership,” Nesirky said at a regular news briefing at U.N. headquarters.
The Woyanne junta is expected to take Khartoum’s side in any dispute, creating a possible favorable environment for Ethiopian opposition groups to establish relations with South Sudan.
AP reports that jubilant voters in South Sudan flooded polling stations for a second day on Monday. The seven days of balloting are likely to produce an overwhelming vote for independence.
U.S. President Barack Obama praised the timely start of the referendum on self-determination for southern Sudan and urged all sides to refrain from intimidation, coercion or violence and to allow voters to freely and peaceably express their will.
“The world will be watching in the coming days,” Obama said in a January 9 statement. He said the United States is fully committed to helping all Sudanese solve post-referendum issues such as borders, refugees and the sharing of oil revenues “regardless of the outcome of the vote.”
Obama warned that some Sudanese may try to disrupt the process, and said voters “must be allowed access to polling stations, and must be able to cast their ballots free from intimidation and coercion.”
“All sides should refrain from inflammatory rhetoric or provocative actions that could raise tensions or prevent voters from expressing their will,” he said, adding that violence in the Abyei region, where 36 people reportedly have been killed since the start of the vote, “should cease.”
U.S. Special Envoy to Sudan Scott Gration and Chairman of the U.S. Senate Foreign Relations Committee John Kerry are in Sudan to witness the referendum.
Speaking to reporters January 9, Senator Kerry said the voting “sends an important message about the ability to solve problems in ways other than in choosing violence.”
Ethiopian Review sources have reported that the military convoy was heading to the Sudanese city of Al Qadarif.