Free Birtukan and All Political Prisoners in Ethiopia!
On March 2, 2009, Ethiopians and friends of Ethiopia throughout the world will be taking to the streets to protest human rights violations by the ruling regime, and to demand the release of all political prisoners. The preeminent political prisoner and the undisputed symbol of democratic resistance in Ethiopia today is Birtukan Mideksa, chairperson of Andenet party (Unity for Democracy and Justice party). Over two months ago, Birtukan was strong-armed, manhandled and whisked away to the infamous Kality prison by armed thugs. Her crime (don’t laugh), “Pardon Denying.” Her “life sentence” by a kangaroo court was reinstated because she allegedly told an Ethiopian audience in Sweden that she and other political prisoners were released in July 2007 following negotiations with the ruling regime in Ethiopia. In her response to a regime ultimatum to retract the alleged pardon denial, she issued a clear public statement acknowledging receipt of a pardon: “As one of the prisoners I had indeed signed the [pardon] document, a fact which I have never denied. I have asked forgiveness through the elders by signing on the document dated June 18, 2006. This is a fact that I cannot change even if I want to.”
Back in July, 2007, all of the “king’s men” had corroborated the truth of Birtukan’s statements [1]. Prof. Issac Ephrem, head of the elders negotiation group, said Birtukan and the other Kinijit political prisoners were released as a result of skilled shuttle diplomacy by his group: “Before the courts were at all involved, the government did come to a position where they would be willing to withdraw the case. There would be no court process…. No document is acceptable to both sides. We had to shuttle back and forth to look at the document and see what words are acceptable to the government and what words are acceptable to the detainees.” Dr. Haileselassie Belay, a member of the elders group confirmed: “The wording [for the negotiated release document] was very, very difficult because what the detainees wanted the government did not want. This was a very big problem.” The ruling regime’s diplomatic representative in the U.S., Samuel Assefa, reaffirmed the negotiated release: “I am hopeful that my country now can put this issue behind us… This decision was the result of an independent process conducted in accordance with the democratic Constitution and laws of Ethiopia. It was carried out by Ethiopians, through our own national institutions, and without the need for international intervention.”
Mistreatment of (Political) Prisoners and the “Appalling Conditions Inside Ethiopian Prisons”
The prisons maintained by the ruling regime in Ethiopia are among the most inhumane, primitive and barbaric in the world. In an official report commissioned by the ruling regime on riot control entitled, “Modernizing Internal Security in Ethiopia” (July, 2008), retired British colonel Michael Dewars, vividly described the “appalling conditions inside Ethiopian prisons” [2]. After Addis Ababa police authorities took Col. Dewars to visit one of their best detention facilities in the capital city, he recounted:
I asked to go into the compound where the prisoners are kept. This consisted of a long yard with a shed to one side which provided some sort of shelter. The compound had a wall around it and a watchtower for an armed sentry overlooking it. Inside must have been 70 – 80 inmates, all in a filthy state. There was insufficient room for all these people to lie down on a mat at once. There was no lighting. The place stank of faeces and urine. There appeared to be no water or sanitation facilities within the compound. There was a small hut in an adjacent compound for women prisoners but there had been no attempt by anybody to improve the circumstances of the place. The prisoners were mostly on remand for minor crimes, in particular theft. Some had been there for months. There was one young boy among the prisoners, who appeared to me to be 12 or 13 years of age, who was weeping and pleading to speak to me so I asked him how old he was. He said 13. He certainly could not possibly have been older than 15. When I asked what the minimum age for holding prisoners in this facility was, one policeman said 18, another 15. In any event, he stayed there.
(Italics added.)
Col. Dewars concluded, “Detention conditions of prisoners are a disgrace and make the Federal Police vulnerable to the Human Rights lobby.” He “recommended that the Government should investigate this situation with the intention of improving the current appalling conditions inside Ethiopian prisons, which must brutalise prisoners and their goalers equally. It is recommended that senior Ethiopian Ministers and Police Officers visit the prison that I visited.”
Just last week, the 2008 State Department Country Reports on Human Rights Practices (February 25, 2009) stated:
The country has three federal prisons, 117 regional prisons, and many unofficial prisons. Prison and pretrial detention center conditions remained harsh and life threatening. Severe overcrowding was a problem. In September 2007 it was reported that there were 52,000 persons in prison. Earlier in the year, prison populations decreased by 10,000 due to pardons but reportedly again increased due to increases in ethnic conflict and economic crimes. Prisoners often had less than 22 square feet of sleeping space in a room that could contain up to 200 persons, and sleeping in rotations was not uncommon in regional prisons. The daily meal budget was approximately 5 birr (50 cents) per prisoner. Many prisoners supplemented this with daily food deliveries from family members or by purchasing food from local vendors. Prison conditions were unsanitary and there was no budget for prison maintenance. Medical care was unreliable in federal prisons and almost nonexistent in regional prisons.
In detention centers, police often physically abused detainees. Authorities generally permitted visitors but sometimes arbitrarily denied them access to detainees. In some cases, family visits to political prisoners were restricted to a few per year.
While statistics were unavailable, there were some deaths in prison due to illness and poor health care. Prison officials were not forthcoming with reports of such deaths. Several pardoned political prisoners had serious health problems in detention but received little treatment at the time.
Authorities sometimes incarcerated juveniles with adults if they could not be accommodated at the juvenile remand home. Men and women prisoners were largely, but not always, segregated.
During the year the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) visited regional prisons only. The government continued to prevent ICRC representatives from visiting police stations and federal prisons throughout the country including those where opposition, civil society, and media leaders were held.
The same State Department report further documented the use of arbitrary arrest and detention, torture, and other cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment of political prisoners:
Although the constitution and law prohibit the use of torture and mistreatment, there were numerous credible reports that security officials tortured, beat, or mistreated detainees. Opposition political party leaders reported frequent and systematic abuse and intimidation of their supporters by police and regional militias, particularly in the months leading up to the local and by-elections held during the year. In Makelawi, the central police investigation headquarters in Addis Ababa, police investigators reportedly commonly used physical abuse to extract confessions. (Italics added.)
In November 2008, Manfred Nowak, the U.N. Special Rapporteur on torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment made a special point of the barbaric use of torture in Ethiopian prisons as a major cause of physical disabilities: “Of course, torture was also a major cause of creating disabilities. Particularly destructive was the ‘Ethiopian hanging style’ where prisoners were bound like a wheel and hung up, which engendered long-lasting consequences.”
The Inquiry Commission established by the ruling regime to investigate the post-2005 election massacres by regime security forces documented that between June and November 2005, over 30,000 persons had been held incommunicado (without the means or right of communicating with others) in detention centers located throughout the country. The 2007 State Department Country Reports on Human Rights Practices cited other estimates of political prisoners in Ethiopia exceeding 50,000 civilians. Today, there are tens of thousands of political prisoners in Ethiopia who are held in detention without trial, including Birtukan Mideksa, and in violation of their basic right to due process under local and international law.
The Continuing Abuse of Birtukan Mideksa as a Political Prisoner
The evidence on Birtukan’s prison condition indicates that she has been held in solitary confinement following her roadside abduction by armed thugs. Birtukan recently told her mother, (the only person other than her 4 year old daughter allowed visitation), that “the ill-treatment in prison is getting beyond what she could bear as a human being”. Birtukan is denied access to her legal counsel. She is subjected to severe physical and psychological pressure. She is not allowed to have books or other reading material, or access to a radio. The regime has blocked the International Red Cross and other international human rights organizations from visiting Birtukan.
International Human Rights Law and the Rights of (Political) Prisoners
There is overwhelming evidence that conditions in prisons maintained by the ruling regime in Ethiopia are so deficient that they subject detainees and prisoners to cruel, inhuman, and degrading treatment in flagrant violation of a slew of international human rights conventions, declarations and instruments. The established facts (as documented not only through the efforts of dissidents, ex-political prisoners and international human rights organizations, but also through regime-commissioned expert analyses and reports) are incontrovertible: The ruling regime’s prisons in Ethiopia are overcrowded and unsanitary. The vast majority of Ethiopian prisoners have little or no access to clean drinking or bathing water. As Col. Dewars documented, even the best prisons in the capital city “stank of faeces and urine. There appeared to be no water or sanitation facilities within the compound.” The prisons are vermin-infested and filthy and serve as breeding grounds for infectious diseases, and diseases of the circulatory and respiratory systems. Mental illness among prisoners is one of the least appreciated problems in the prisons. Birtukan Mideksa and thousands of other political prisoners are frequently singled out for systematic psychological intimidation and physical abuse due to their status as documented in the recent U.S. state Department report.
International law protects all prisoners, and particularly political prisoners, from inhumane and barbaric treatment. Prisoners are guaranteed basic human rights and fundamental freedoms in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR). Article 5 of the UDHR (incorporated by express reference in Art. 13 (2) of the “Constitution of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia”) prescribes that “no one shall be subjected to torture or to cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment.” Article 10 of International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) (ratified by Ethiopia on June 11, 1993 and incorporated by express reference in Art. 13 (2) of the “Constitution of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia”) provides that “all persons deprived of their liberty shall be treated with humanity and with respect for the inherent dignity of the human person.” Article 16 of the Convention Against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (acceded to by Ethiopia on April 13, 1994) mandates that signatories “shall undertake to prevent . . . acts of cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment . . . .” Article 5 of the African [Banjul] Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights (ratified by Ethiopia on June 15, 1998) prohibits, “all forms of exploitation and degradation of man particularly slavery, slave trade, torture, cruel, inhuman or degrading punishment and treatment.”
The foregoing principles have been reaffirmed by the UN Human Rights Committee on numerous occasions. The U.N. has adopted a number of legal instruments to ensure the humane treatment of prisoners, including the Body of Principles for the Protection of All Persons under Any Form of Detention or Imprisonment, and the Standard Minimum Rules for the Treatment of Prisoners (SMRTP). These instruments establish basic rights for prisoners, which include among others, contact with the outside world, “regular visits of family members” and communication with “reputable friends at regular intervals”, sanitary conditions to “enable every prisoner to comply with the needs of nature when necessary and in a clean and decent manner”, provision of “food of nutritional value adequate for health and strength and drinking water”, medical and general health care, and “completely” prohibits “corporal punishment, punishment by placing in a dark cell, and all cruel, inhuman or degrading punishments for disciplinary offences.” The U.N. Basic Principles for the Treatment of Prisoners provide that “all prisoners shall be treated with the respect due to their inherent dignity and value as human beings.” The U.N. Body of Principles for the Protection of All Persons Under Any Form of Detention or Imprisonment provide that “no person under any form of detention or imprisonment shall be subjected to torture or to cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment.” The U.N. Standard Minimum Rules for the Administration of Juvenile Justice (“The Beijing Rules”), which encompass the Convention on the Rights of the Child (ratified by Ethiopia on July 22, 1987) require that juvenile detainees “be kept separate from adults and shall be detained in a separate institution”.
The ruling regime in Ethiopia has incorporated many of the provisions of the most important human rights treaties in its “constitution” and other “laws”. Article 13 (2) of the “Constitution of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia” states: “The fundamental rights and freedoms specified in this Chapter shall be interpreted in a manner conforming to the principles of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, International Covenants on Human Rights and international instruments adopted by Ethiopia.” This article incorporates international law and conventions prohibiting abusive treatment of detainees and prisoners expressly and by implication. Regardless of Ethiopia’s status on any particular human rights convention or declaration, there is no question that those who have engaged and continue to engage in cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment or punishment of political and other prisoners are in violation of customary international law. Article 38 of the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties provides that certain treaty provisions may become binding on third parties (regardless of ratification, accession or adoption) when those provisions are part of customary international law, as Ethiopia is indeed. There are no legal excuses or defenses for the ruling regime in Ethiopia for not complying with the requirements of international law in its treatment of detainees and (political) prisoners.
Birtukan, Ethiopian Political Prisoners: You Are Not Alone!
W/o Almaz, Birtukan’s mother, recently asked the celebrated Ethiopian actor, Debebe Eshetu, to remind Diaspora Ethiopians never to give up: “Keep it up! Keep it up with the help of God. I thank you for all you do [on behalf of my daughter]. May God be with you and me. May God be with the Ethiopian people.” On this day of worldwide protest against the unjust imprisonment of our heroine Birtukan, and all political prisoners in Ethiopia, let us reassure W/o Almaz we will never, never give up! Let us tell Birtukan and her fellow political prisoners that they are not alone because God is with them, and we are with them too. Let us sing to them in the lyrics of Michael Jackson:
For you are not alone,
For we are here with you,
Though we’re far apart,
You’re always in our heart,
For you are not alone……..
Birtukan, You Are Not Alone! Free Birtu-Can! Free All Ethiopian Political Prisoners!
Let’s shout joyfully at our demonstrations: “Birtu-Can! Yes, We Can!”
Seeking Paths to Ethiopian Diaspora Dialogue and Consultations (wu-yi-yit and me me-ka-ker)
At the beginning of the year, we pledged to help initiate and sustain an Ethiopian Diaspora dialogue and consultation process with the aim of building broad consensus for collective action. We expressed our hope that with the proper groundwork it is possible to clearly identifying a set of issues over which pro-democracy Diaspora Ethiopians could take a unified position and speak in one thundering voice. We boldly proclaimed the inspirational theme, “Ethiopian united can never be defeated!”
For the past several weeks, we have been hard at work seeking ways of wiring Ethiopian Diaspora worldwide through dialogue and consultations. Our preliminary efforts to this end have involved exploratory dialogues and consultations with numerous progressive and forward thinking Ethiopians who are not only committed to creating a just and humane society in Ethiopia, but are also keenly aware that the most effective method to bring that outcome is to broadly engage in dialogue and consultations groups and individuals from diverse backgrounds who are equally committed to the survival and progress of the Ethiopian nation and people.
What We Mean by Civic Dialogue and Consultation (wu-yi-yit and me me-ka-ker)
We define Diaspora civic dialogue and consultation as a creative process of communication and exchange of ideas for the purpose of enhanced understanding of issues of common with the view to taking coordinated collective action. We regard dialogue and consultations as the methodology of the oppressed who seek to develop a common language of struggle for their ultimate liberation. In dialogue and consultations, we aim to learn to reason and think together and harness our collective intelligence for the good of the motherland.
Our conception of civic dialogue and consultation (wu-yi-yit and me me-ka-ker) among pro-democracy Diaspora Ethiopians is based on four simple ideas: 1) Ordinary Diaspora Ethiopians can be effective agents of change in their motherland if they share a common understanding of the problems and challenges, and collaboratively and decisively act to address them. 2) To be effective agents of social change, Diaspora Ethiopians need to unlearn ingrained habits of debate and argumentation and re-learn skills of civic dialogue and consultation. 3) The dialogic and consultative processes require openness to perspectives and views that are very different from our own; and stakeholders must make a commitment to respectfully and genuinely engage others with different ideas, backgrounds and communication styles. 4) The outcome of Ethiopian Diaspora dialogue and consultations depends on building trust, dispelling stereotypes, and the creation of an environment of teamwork and partnership founded on fairness, candor and honesty.
The Year of Dialogue, Consultations and Action
We believe most ordinary pro-democracy Diaspora Ethiopians have come to realize that they can play a direct role in helping to bring about major changes in Ethiopia. Many Diaspora Ethiopians seem to agree with the inspirational words of Marian Wright Edelman, president and founder of the Children’s Defense Fund: “You just need to be a flea against injustice. Enough committed fleas biting strategically can make even the biggest dog uncomfortable and transform even the biggest nation.” We believe that in 2009 there are enough committed ordinary Diaspora Ethiopians who are willing to “bite” strategically to bring about substantial improvements in Ethiopia by working to prevent human rights violations and bringing to justice those responsible for past violations; by mobilizing resources to secure the release of hundreds of thousands of political prisoners currently held throughout the country; by working together with pro-democracy elements in Ethiopia to re-establish democratic rights and facilitate the free operation of the independent media and civic society institutions; by promoting free political competition and helping to ensure free and fair elections are held; and by exposing corruption and exploring legal mechanisms to bring to justice those who have violated international law. In the past, we believe, Diaspora Ethiopians have lacked the dialogic and consultative mechanisms to achieve these values through collective action.
Today, many in the pro-democracy sectors of the Ethiopian Diaspora have come to appreciate the futility of rancorous debate with each other, and have chosen the path of dialogue and consultation. They are willing to transcend the “culture of argumentation” of the past in which we have engaged in political and social discourse principally to prove the legitimacy or correctness of one viewpoint over others, or to use strategic verbal encounters to outwit and belittle our “opponents”. Polarized debates and personal attacks have rendered pro-democracy Diaspora Ethiopians weak, divided and ineffective; and we must grudgingly admit that we have made ourselves the laughing stock of dictators. In our dialogue and consultations, we aim to change the terms of Diaspora engagement from debate to dialogue, from competition to cooperation, from criticism to appreciation, from secrecy to openness and from distrust to collaboration. We have chosen the path of dialogue and consultations because the motherland is crying for her children to work together to deliver her from evil.
Our Fierce Urgency of Now: Preliminary Step 1 – Dialogue and Consultation to Consensus Building
We regard ourselves as one of many facilitators in the ongoing Diaspora consensus-building process. “We” are the face of Diaspora Ethiopians from all backgrounds: academics, professionals in a variety of fields, business entrepreneurs, members of political parties, community and civic society leaders, political and social activists, journalists, students, women’s group members, service workers, retired public servants, senior citizens and ordinary concerned Ethiopians who wish only the best for their country and people. For the past several weeks, we have actively engaged a broad cross-section of the Ethiopian Diaspora activist community and others to identify potential stakeholders to engage in dialogue and consultations for the purpose of consensus-building and collective action. We have had numerous brainstorming sessions. We have held small group discussions using available internet technology, and we have done myriad one-on-one interactions.
From our preliminary efforts to date, we have ascertained two basic facts which we would like to share with all Ethiopian pro-democracy elements. First, we have detected an overwhelming sense of “fierce urgency” to undertake broad dialogue and consultations now, and devise and implement a step-wise plan of Diaspora action to produce positive change in Ethiopia. This sense of urgency, we believe, is supported by substantial anecdotal evidence:
1. There is widely shared belief that divergent elements in the Ethiopian Diaspora can begin to work together immediately on a common purpose despite their differences. For instance, improving human rights in Ethiopia is one of several issues for which there is broad Diaspora consensus as an action item.
2. There is evidence which suggests that Diaspora Ethiopians are thinking less in terms of narrow constituencies or group interests, and are embracing the totality of Ethiopians society as their constituency. For instance, there is a clear tendency among members of diverse groups to look beyond special group grievances and injustices to strong support of human rights protections for all and opposition against government wrongs towards any.
3. There is broad agreement that it is not necessary to wait for the development of a perfect Diaspora political program before taking action. There is a sense of urgency to put values into action (praxis), and a belief that both dialogue and action can be works in progress. For instance, many believe global advocacy efforts can be undertaken in host countries in the short-term while cooperation and collaboration on other issues can be built over time.
4. There are few issues of importance to the Diaspora that need “redefinition or reframing”, paving the way for broad-based collaboration and development of a tentative action plan. There is manifest complementarity of interests, positions, values on the important issues of democracy, human rights and the rule of law.
5. There is substantial evidence of a general Diaspora readiness to work together on a common purpose and in the process build trust across political, ideological and ethnic lines. We believe pro-democracy Diaspora Ethiopians want “win-win” solutions not for themselves or their special groups or parties, but for the glory of Ethiopia and progress of all Ethiopians. For instance, we are inspired to hear representatives of groups who have long perceived themselves as competitors and rivals resonating agreement on core issues that are vital to the motherland.
Second, we have also come to appreciate in our preliminary efforts that there may be many challenges to overcome: Could we build the necessary collaborative trust, understanding and momentum to begin acting on core issues of common concern in the short-term? Is a centralized coordinating body for Diaspora efforts the most efficient and effective method to proceed? How can we best engage the “silently concerned” Diaspora Ethiopians in the dialogic and consultative process? How do we accommodate stakeholders that are not ready to participate in the dialogic and consultative process? How can we maximize engagement of the of the Ethiopian Diaspora community given traditional barriers of ethnicity, religion, gender, age, class, education, language and other factors? How can we neutralize and marginalize those elements who will spare no efforts to drive multiple wedges among pro-democracy Diaspora elements and work furiously to ensure our dialogue and consultations process will fail? We are confident all of these issues will be adequately addressed in the give-and-take process of dialogue and consultations.
Lessons in Dialogue and Consultations
In the past few weeks, we have learned first hand important lessons in dialogue and consultations. Though none of us are professionals in the field of dialogue facilitation, we have experience in a wide range of professional and human relations areas. Most importantly, we value the life experiences of our many colleagues who have suffered grievously under the current brutal dictatorship. We have learned that dialogue and consultations are two faces of the same coin. Dialogue is a process of understanding and learning from each other. Dialogue becomes silky smooth when we listen to each other respectfully and offer our views with sincerity and civility. We have developed sensitivity to each other’s feelings, hopes, and dreams and have become less judgmental and argumentative and more willing to walk in the shoes of those who may not agree with us. We have come to learn that we have a lot in common, and few differences of great magnitude. We have become more open-minded, and willingly acknowledge that we could be wrong about our long held beliefs. We have also learned about the gravitational power of truth to keep us all grounded in common sense and reality.
Reaching the “Tipping Point” for a Sea-Change
Doing little things over time can make a big difference. Our preliminary survey of the Diaspora activist community suggests that a “tipping point” (or critical mass) has now been reached to bring about a sea-change (massive transformation) in the way Diaspora Ethiopians can work together for the good of Ethiopia and the Ethiopian people. There is a pervasive can-do spirit that is palpable; and there is self-confidence that nothing is beyond our means if we tenaciously pursue our common goals with a clear mind and a clean heart. We have much to be optimistic about the motherland in 2009 and beyond; but nothing will come easy on our long walk to freedom. We should be inspired by President John Kennedy who said, “We will go to the moon. We will go to the moon and do other things, NOT because they are easy but because they are HARD.” And so we will dialogue and consult with each other without end to help our motherland not because it is easy but because it is very, very hard. But none of us should doubt that we are assured of victory in the end if each one of us becomes “a flea against injustice.” And if enough of us “fleas” bite strategically, we have the awesome power to make the meanest, nastiest and most vicious junkyard dog uncomfortable, and transform the Ethiopian nation. Wu-yi-yit and Me me-ka-ker Yasteseryal!
________________
The writer, Alemayehu G. Mariam, is a professor of political science at California State University, San Bernardino, and an attorney based in Los Angeles.
A year ago, Morgan Tsvangirai won the first round of presidential elections in Zimbabwe. He refused to participate in the run-off calling it a “violent sham” for which his supporters risked death by voting for him. Last week, Tsvangirai became prime minister in a power sharing agreement fabricated by southern African regional leaders. In his inauguration speech, Prime Minster Tsvangirai spoke of the fierce urgency of now for the people of Zimbabwe:
“For too long, Zimbabwe has endured violent political polarization. This must end today. For too long, our people’s hopes for a bright and prosperous future have been betrayed. Instead of hope, their days have been filled with starvation, disease and fear. A culture of entitlement and impunity has brought our nation to the brink of a dark abyss. This must end today. Economic collapse has forced millions of our most able to flee the country… This must end today.”
Robert Mugabe, Zimbabwe’s Tyrannosaurus Rex (tyrant king), had publicly ridiculed Tsvangirai and his Movement for Democratic Change party as “shameless stooges of the West” and vowed never to talk to them. For over a decade, Mugabe’s thugs had routinely beaten, imprisoned and harassed Tsvangirai and his supporters. But last week Mugabe stood under the towering figure of Tsvangirai and administered the oath of office to him. The iron fist that had ruled Zimbabwe since its independence from Britain in 1980 was finally unclenched to shake Tsvangirai’s hand in the spirit of reconciliation to help the suffering people of Zimbabwe. It was truly a wonderful sight to behold: Sworn adversaries making an uneasy peace to save their country from the “brink of a dark abyss.” Mugabe called on all parties to support the “unity” government “by turning our swords into ploughshares”. Tsvangirai offered a road map to get Zimbabwe out of its frightening mess.
Zimbabwe has been in deep trouble for several years. The world looked with horror as Mugabe plunged Zimbabwe into his Ninth Circle of Hell. Like Nero who played his violin when Rome burned, Mugabe kept on pounding his drumbeat of allegations of conspiracy between Western governments and their local “stooges” as Zimbabwe went into total economic meltdown. Today billions of Zimbabwean dollars are needed to buy a loaf of bread. Unemployment stands above 90 percent. One-half of the 12 million Zimbabweans are starving, and a cholera epidemic continues to kill tens of thousands.
Tsvangirai’s Road Map for Zimbabwe
Tsvangirai struck a clear note about Zimbabwe’s future in his inauguration speech. He said there are three things that need to be done immediately: “Firstly, we must implement our democratization agenda.” That includes enactment of laws to “restore the people’s freedoms, create the mechanism through which a people’s constitution can be created, reestablish the rule of law and promote the independent media.” He said the “second priority is tackling the humanitarian crisis with every means possible.” Zimbabwe must deal with the cholera epidemic by reducing outbreaks, community transmission and the high mortality rates. Third, the economy must be “stabilized” by creating an “educated and healthy workforce.” He said that requires building schools and hospitals and taking care of the “professionals in our civil service [who] are the backbone of our government.” He promised that “every health worker, teacher, soldier and policeman [payment] in foreign currency until we are able to stabilize the economy.” He promised to “ensure that every Zimbabwean has access to emergency food aid regardless of tribal or political affiliation.” Zimbabwe will no longer be an international basket case; rather it will once again be Africa’s breadbasket.
Tsvangirai as a New Breed of African Leader
Tsvangirai took on a distinctly Obamaesque-style to his leadership in rebuilding Zimbabwe. He promised accountability, transparency, openness, separation of party and state and clean government. “As your Prime Minister, I will ensure that there is a clear distinction between the party and the state. I will be open and honest with you.” He called for reconciliation of the opposing factions and urged them to “work together to restore our pride in our people and our country.” He was conciliatory towards the international community and humanitarian organizations. He asked them “to engage with us to rebuild our nation and to work towards reestablishing a relationship that is not based on humanitarian assistance alone.” He declared his ultimate trust in the people of Zimbabwe and called upon them to unite in facing the enormous challenges: “People of Zimbabwe, we face many challenges but we are brave and resourceful. By uniting as a nation and a people we can succeed.” He urged them to “match our dreams for Zimbabwe with your own”, and reminded them that “at each point in our proud history we have looked forward not backwards, we have stood for hope not fear, we have believed in love not hate, and we have never lost touch with our democratic values or sight of our democratic goals.”
Two Lessons From Zimbabwe
Two lessons could be drawn from Tsvangirai’s accession to power in Zimbabwe. The first is that all African dictators will spare nothing to cling to power. Neither soaring unemployment, stratospheric inflation, mass starvation, epidemics nor the tears of their citizens will cause these calculating and stone-cold butchers to show compassion for the suffering of their people. But they all fall in the end. As Gandhi taught: “There have been tyrants and murderers, and for a time they seem invincible, but in the end, they always fall. Think of it, always.” Some may have wished Mugabe’s end to come with a bang and not a whimper. But his dictatorship has effectively come to an end. There is no going back. Soon the 84-year old Mugabe will join in the dustbin of history Africa’s bygone dictators — Idi Amin, Milton Obote, Joseph Mobutu, Charles Taylor, Mengistu Haile Mariam, Hissène Habré, Jean Bedel Bokassa, Sekou Toure, and Peter Botha, among others.
But the real lesson comes from Tsvangirai who is making history. Even as Zimbabwe teeters on the brink of economic and humanitarian disaster, Tsvangirai declared that the most important task for Zimbabwe is restoration of the people’s freedoms, establishment of the rule of law and the full functioning of the an independent media. This realization makes Tsvangirai truly a new breed of African leader. The future of Africa and the dream of an African Renaissance will depend on leaders like Tsvangirai who recognize the vital importance of democratic rights, the indispensability of the rule of law and the necessity of an independent media as quintessential prerequisites for the success of African societies. Tsvangirai’s message is very clear: Unless every Zimbabwean is guaranteed basic freedoms — freedom of expression, freedom from arbitrary arrest, detention and extrajudicial killings — the economic problems can not be solved. Unless there is the supremacy of the rule of law, the problems of injustice and lack of legal accountability of those who have abused their power and the public trust will continue unabated. Unless there is a fully functional independent media, corruption will reign supreme in the halls of power and democracy will be unable to flourish in Zimbabwe. He is absolutely right!
A Time for Justice
Few expect Mugabe to honor his word about a unity government and work in good faith to make it succeed. He agreed to a power sharing deal under pressure, not out of genuine interest in reconciliation. Mugabe is already plying his old tricks. Within days of the agreement, he jailed Roy Bennett, a major ally of Tsvangirai and charged him with terrorism and treason. He also tried to swear in more than 20 ministers from his own party at the last minute, instead of the 15 agreed upon by the two sides. No doubt, Mugabe will try every trick in the book; but nothing will save him and his henchmen from their rendezvous with the dustbin of history.
If Mugabe lives long enough, he will certainly be held to account for his many crimes against humanity. During his first term as president, his thugs massacred more than 20,000 Ndebele, the rivals to his Shona tribe. Zimbabwean human rights activists and lawyers have documented thousands of cases of torture, illegal arrests and detentions, excessive use of force and extrajudicial killings by the Mugabe regime. Be that as it may, it is exhilarating to imagine Mugabe and his brother Mengistu riding out into the sunset of oblivion.
Unity Freedom Train Crossing the African Continent
There is a Unity Freedom Train crossing the African continent with whistle stops at all places where Africans are united. Tsvangirai, Zimbabwe’s new railroad conductor, has made it plain to his passengers: “People of Zimbabwe, I call upon all of us to put aside our differences, to begin a process of national healing within every community, to work across party lines and look forward together with hope, while learning from a sad past that has so devastated our nation and our people.” Next stop for the Unity Freedom Train: Ethiopia. ALL ABOARD!
There are some who are working double overtime to make sure Ethiopia is strewn across the African continent like shards of broken ethnic glass. They have spent the last 18 years sleepless devising ways of defeating the people by separating them along ethnic, religious, cultural, regional and class lines. Now, we say emphatically: “Enough! Not This Time!” This is our time to come together and unite against a divisive, dastardly and devilish dictatorship. This is the time to stand up and declare: “Ethiopians united can never be defeated!”
But what exactly is the “unity” which makes Ethiopians invincible? In its purest form, Ethiopian unity is a “soul-force” or “truth force” that dwells within the heart and mind of each patriotic Ethiopian and impels him or her to take a personal and public stand for the indivisibility of the Ethiopian nation under God and the one-ness of the Ethiopian people. This “truth-force” has many manifestations. As a state of mind, it signifies the indisputable principle that every Ethiopian has the right to vote for the government of his/her choice and to live in a country where human rights are fully respected and the rule of law reigns supreme. As a form of political advocacy and action, Ethiopian unity means working together on a common set of goals while respecting our differences; uniting around a common vision, agenda and dream and making a personal commitment to work with others on the basis of trust, honor and love of country. As a spiritual experience, Ethiopian unity is about praying together — regardless of our faith — for the end of tyranny and dictatorship, and the blossoming of true brotherhood and sisterhood in equality, liberty and the rule of law. Ethiopian unity is quintessentially about working together to build a future based on the firm belief that the next generation of Ethiopians will not be victimized by a succession of dictators who cling to power by means of arbitrary arrests and detentions, extrajudicial killings, political persecution and stolen elections. It is ultimately about living free in a land where justice rolls down like waters and righteousness like a mighty stream!
Unity Does Not Mean There Are No differences
Ethnic division is an ugly fact of Ethiopian history nurtured and refined to its highest political form by the current dictators. One can not run away from it. But Ethiopian unity does not mean the complete absence of differences. The United States of America is “united” not on the basis of uniformity of culture, religion, race, class or ethnicity. Rather, diversity is the glue that holds Americans together. Americans from all walks of life live harmoniously under the rule of law which guarantees their individual rights to personal autonomy, ethnic and cultural identity and independent political activity. It is in the American melting pot that Americans of all backgrounds join hands to “form a more perfect union.” A unity where there are no differences is unnatural and unhealthy. Differences are to unity what alloys are to steel. Likewise Ethiopian unity must be forged in the hearts and minds of free men and women of all ethnic, cultural, religious and socio-economic backgrounds.
The Power of ONE: Each One of Us is a Unifying Force
Gandhi taught, “You must be the change you want to see in the world.” If we want to see a more just and equitable society in Ethiopia, a country where the rule of law is supreme and where government fears its people, each one of us must act. Every Ethiopian is a power for good or evil. We have to make the choice to be a force for good. By every thought we contemplate and act we perform, we can bring about greater unity and harmony among the people. This is a burden of responsibility we carry for ourselves now, and for the next generation. The power of one for good or evil can not be underestimated. We have seen for nearly two decades how one man with a small group of henchmen has been able to destroy an entire nation. What we must also see is that many individuals working together can heal the wounds inflicted upon our country and set it on course to its glorious destiny. Everything begins with the one: One step begins a thousand mile journey. One tree starts a forest. One bird heralds the arrival spring. One candle illuminates the enveloping darkness. One voice can speak for thousands. One hope, one dream can raise the spirit of millions. Each one of us has the Power of One. Let’s use it for the good of Ethiopia and the Ethiopian people.
Understanding the Adversary and Extending an Olive Branch
What have we learned from the last 18 years of dictatorial rule in Ethiopia? What can we learn from the 2005 elections? How can we build coalitions to help advance democracy, freedom and human rights in Ethiopia? The last 18 years have taught us many lessons. We know that the current dictators of Ethiopia are politically and morally bankrupt, and have no legitimacy in the eyes of the people. We know their raison d’etre (reason for existence) is to cling to power by any and all means necessary. They have proven that they will lie, cheat, rob, steal, kill and do whatever it takes to keep themselves in power. We also know they thrive in a culture of corruption. Politics to them is the business of corruption. The dictators also know basic truths about themselves: They are despised by the vast majority of the people. They know after 18 years of misrule, squandering the country’s scarce resources on wars, useless projects and mindless adventures and social experiments they have little to show for it. (Recently, the World Bank reported that Ethiopia has been lagging in its infrastructure development [that is facilities, services and installations needed for the functioning of a society], as compared to other African countries.) They know they have committed so many unspeakable crimes that they dread the advent of that inevitable day when they will be held to account. They know they will never be able to win in the field of free political competition. The international community knows who they are too: war criminals, human rights violators and international outlaws. The ultimate truth about our adversaries is that they will employ a scorched earth policy if they believe they are at risk of losing power. For them it will be the old après moi le deluge (after me, the flood; or the Amharic equivalent of the donkey’s byword that she does not care if tall grasses never grow after she is gone.) For nearly two decades, they have used ethnic division to consolidate their power, and they will not hesitate to use the same strategy to dismember Ethiopia on their way out.
But there is also another truth we must know: Not all of those on the side of our adversaries are truly our adversaries. Our adversaries are not necessarily a monolith, a single block of rock. It is true that the ruthless crooks at the top are carved out of the same granite of corruption, cruelty and criminality. But there are many who just live under the dark shadow of this rock out of simple survival. They pretend to support the dictators, but in reality, they are sick and tired of living under the long dark shadow of the hard rock of dictatorship. They do not want to be the object of irrational hate, contempt and ridicule by their countrymen and women. They too want to live in peace and harmony with their brothers and sisters. We need to extend olive branches to each one of them so that they do not feel trapped in circumstances over which they have little control, and make it possible for them to join the true cause of democracy, freedom and human rights. It is not necessary to scare or humiliate them and push them deeper into desperation where they see only one option: go down with the dictators. We need to reassure them always that we bear no malice towards them, but we condemn unreservedly any intentional illegal and immoral acts they may have perpetrated against their countrymen and women.
How Do We Practice Diaspora Unity?
Unity is a combination of dialogue and action. It is fundamentally an affirmation of our humanity before ethnicity, nationality, political party, Africanity or Ethiopianity. The strongest form of human unity is based on unity of thought around principles of truth and justice. We demonstrate unity in the actions we take in our personal lives and how we treat and relate to each other; that is, in our ability to build relationships based on authenticity (the degree to which one is true to one’s own personality, spirit, or character) and not ethnicity (looking at the world through tribal and cultural lenses). Practicing unity means focusing on issues and ideas and not personalities; not dwelling too much on the wrongs that have been done to us in the past but how we can heal each other in the future; adopting evidence-based thinking instead of reacting emotionally; thinking before acting and always maintaining a personal policy of openness, honesty, fairness and respect for each other. Practicing unity is also about not acting in certain ways: refraining from soiling the names and reputations of those who struggle with us in the cause but may not agree with us on everything; avoiding rumor-mongering; not insisting that we have a monopoly ownership of the whole truth; and refusing to walk a mile in the shoes of those with whom we disagree. None of us is naïve enough to believe that we can get beyond our differences, whatever they may be, in a single political event; nor do we believe that the removal of dictatorship will be a cure-all to all of our problems. But it is necessary now to begin working together for a better future without embracing the weighty burdens of our past, or becoming its helpless victims. That is why we must embrace the audacity of hope and act selflessly to help the Motherland.
The Power of Dialogue: Out of Many Voices, ONE
The national motto of the United States declares, “E pluribus Unum” (One Out of Many). Our motto for Ethiopian Diaspora dialogue ought to be, “Out of Many Voices, One.” Coming to one voice will not be easy because there are too many echoes reverberating across the canyons that divide Ethiopians and keep us needlessly apart. We must bridge through genuine dialogue the ethnic canyons, the generational canyons, the culture canyons, the gender canyons, the language canyons, the religious canyons, the class canyons and the urban-rural canyons. We need many bridge-builders to sign up and begin working on laying the foundation for a robust Ethiopian democracy based on truly free elections, respect for the rule of law and human rights, the establishment of an independent judiciary, and the free functioning of an independent press and civic society institutions.
The power of Ethiopian Diaspora Dialogue should not be undervalued. Unity of thought in dialogue must precede unity of collective action; and the power of dialogue is the power of reason and the power of honest and authentic communication. The Ethiopian Diaspora Dialogue, we believe, has started everywhere. Many are in the beginning stages. We honor all who have taken the initiative to dialogue and encourage them to continue and intensify their efforts.
We are humbly proud to be part of the emerging teams of dialogue facilitators in the Diaspora. We believe “truth-powder” is far superior to our adversaries’ gunpowder. Guns and tanks do not stand behind us. Strong beliefs and ideas about the power of a united Ethiopian people do. And there is no gun or tank that can defeat an idea whose time has come. And the time has come for all of us to work single-mindedly for the cause of freedom, democracy and human rights in Ethiopia. Ancient wisdom says, “If you want to go fast, go alone. If you want to go far, go with other.” We want to go far with our compatriots on the long journey to freedom from dictatorship. As we do so, we are inspired by Barack’s message to the American people: “For we have a choice in this country. We can accept a politics that breeds division, and conflict, and cynicism…. Or we can come together and say, “Not this time.” It is high time that all freedom-loving patriotic Ethiopians the world over make a choice, stand up and shout: “NOT THIS TIME!” Let’s come together and make 2009 the beginning of a New Era of Unity in the Ethiopian Diaspora. YASTESERYAL!
History has two sides. A right and a wrong side. Barack Obama is on the right side of history. He is on the right side of history because he was elected rightfully by the American people and became president in a peaceful constitutional transfer of power. But his on the right side of history for many other reasons: He has chosen to lead the American people on the right moral principles: “Hope over fear, unity of purpose over conflict and discord,” reconciliation and new ideas over “petty grievances, false promises, recriminations and wornout dogmas that have strangled American politics for so long”; and he has resolved to “set aside childish things and reaffirm America’s enduring spirit.” Barack has chosen the right path to lead Americans as ONE PEOPLE with a common history, common dreams and common destiny so that they can weather “the gathering clouds and raging storms” of two major wars, international terrorism, a badly weakened economy and declining social services at home.
You know Barack is on the right side of history, when the American people — black, white, red, yellow, brown, Christians, Moslems, Jews, Hindus, young and old, men and women — look up to his leadership and cry a river of tears of joy, and travel thousands of miles just to see him take the solemn oath of office as prescribed by the supreme law of the land. You know Barack is on the right side of history when the whole world wishes him well as he captains the American ship of state from the turbulent seas of international strife and military confrontation to the safe harbors of American founding ideals of democracy, freedom and human rights. Barack is right on point when he made the historic declaration to the world that he rejects “as false the choice between our safety and our ideals” and that “the rule of law and the rights of man” are the basis for any free society. Barack is right and on the right side of history because he believes right makes might, and tells the whole world in no uncertain terms that “America is a friend of each nation and every man, woman, and child who seeks a future of peace and dignity, and that we are ready to lead once more.” Barack is the right man, at the right time and on the right side of history!
The Wrong Side of History and the Cowardice of Fear
All dictators are on the wrong side of history because they “cling to power through corruption and deceit and the silencing of dissent.” They are on wrong side of history because they have no legitimacy: They seize power by force and without the consent of the people, cling to power by brutal repression, stealing elections and suppressing democratic opposition. They fill their prisons with hundreds of thousands of innocent citizens, snatch opposition leaders from the streets, make a travesty of democracy by stage managing a rubberstamp parliament, debase justice by prostituting the judicial system, criminalize freedom of speech and of the press, impose their rule by brute force, fear and terror, sow hatred and discord among the people by setting one tribe against another, village against hamlet, city against town, community against the commonwealth for the sole purpose of clinging to power. Those dictators who watch with depraved indifference the destruction of one-quarter of their population by famine, war, pestilence and economic privation and take sadistic pleasure in their suffering are on the wrong side of history.
Those who have sanctified and consecrated corruption, graft, bribery, racketeering, fraud, extortion and malfeasance in office are on the wrong side of history. Those sycophants who throw lavish parties in the world’s capitals for the glorification of dictators at the cost of millions of dollars a year on liquor and exotic caviar while their people are dying by the thousands for lack of food, water and simple medicines are on the wrong side of history. When the faces of the people are etched with tear tracks of sorrow from years of suffering witnessing their children die and those who survive live without a future, you know their oppressors are on the wrong side of history. When your ship of state is pirated by criminal thugs and its crew and passengers forced headlong into the raging storms of ethnic hatred, the gathering clouds of famine and the mighty tide of war, you know those who are on the wrong side of history are on the cusp of receiving the verdict of history. Those who sneer at international law and public opinion, give away a nation’s territory in a secret transaction, hammer the people with a clenched fist and infect them with a lingering sickness of fear and despair, you know it is just a matter of time before the judgment of history falls upon them and they are swept into its dustbin.
The Promise of America, The Promise of Ethiopia
We are on the right side of history! Barack said the promise of America was made by “men and women who struggled and sacrificed and worked till their hands were raw so that we might live a better life.” He said, “America is bigger than the sum of our individual ambitions.” He said, “We must pick ourselves up, dust ourselves off, and begin again the work of remaking America.” Ethiopia was also built our forefathers and foremothers who struggled and sacrificed so that we might live free and better. They shed their blood for centuries to keep our country free from colonial rule; secured our culture and civilization in religion, literature, music and art; maintained our unity and identity as a people and sowed religious and ethnic harmony among them; looked beyond our borders to promote African unity and solidarity; made Ethiopia the center of continental African affairs; pled the cause of international law and justice before the League of Nations and made Ethiopia a founding member of the United Nations. Like America, Ethiopia was hewn from the granite of sacrifices made by ordinary men and women. We must also pick ourselves up, dust ourselves off, and begin again the work of remaking Ethiopia.
The United States of America and a United Ethiopia
Barack said, “There is not a liberal America and a conservative America. There is the United States of America. There is not a black America and a white America and Latino America and Asian America. There’s the United States of America.” He also said, “We are a nation of Christians and Muslims, Jews and Hindus — and non-believers. We are shaped by every language and culture, drawn from every end of this Earth.” Ethiopia is no different. There is no Oromo, Amhara, Tigray, Gurage, … Anuak Ethiopia. There is only ONE ETHIOPIAN NATION, indivisible under God. Ethiopia belongs to all its people. Its history is shaped by all its people, and its culture and traditions reflect longstanding ties of family, kinship and ancestry. The destiny of Ethiopians and Ethiopia is not shaped by petty and small-minded dictators but by the courage and sacrifices of its people. That is why Ethiopia and Ethiopians are on the right side of history.
Long Journey on the Right Side of History
The journey on the right side of history is long and difficult. It is a journey that begins in the hearts and minds of every Ethiopian. It is a journey that take us out of the darkness of ethnic hatred into the sunshine of humanity; from insensitivity and indifference to the suffering of each other to compassion and sympathy to our common humanity; and from ignorance and blind faith to knowledge and enlightenment. It is also a journey that requires a lot of hard work. Barack counseled the American people that they need to “lay a new foundation” and “build the roads and bridges, the electric grids and digital lines that feed our commerce and bind us together.” Ethiopians face a much greater challenge because they have to build bridges of tolerance and good will across ethnic divides; they have to build roads, highways and freeways to every part of the country to plant and grow the seeds of democracy; they have to cultivate gardens of personal liberties so that every individual can unleash his/her creative and intellectual powers; build hallowed cathedrals for justice and equality; and along every street and bridge erect monuments to the rule of law.
The Question for Us, The Answer for Them
The questions we should ask of ourselves today is not whether a petty dictator will go or stay, but what we are prepared to do when the rising tide of freedom carries the flotsam of dictatorship out to sea. Then, what choices are we prepared to make? Will we choose, as Barack did, hope over fear? Humanity over ethnicity or political party? Unity and strength over division and weakness? Truth over falsity? Hatred over understanding? Magnanimity over the petty? The dictators know their fate. That is why they have careened out of control on the turnpike of history. The answer we give them is the same answer Barack gave the cynics: They “fail to understand the ground has shifted beneath them — that the stale political arguments of ethnic division, hatred, that have consumed us for so long no longer apply.” We must believe as does Barack that “the old hatreds shall someday pass; that the lines of tribe shall soon dissolve; that as the world grows smaller, our common humanity shall reveal itself.”
This is our time to answer the questions for this and coming generations, to stand up and declare to ourselves and to the world that the stale political arguments of ethnic division and hatred that have consumed us for so long no longer apply; that the lines of tribe, ethnicity, language, region, class will be deleted from our hearts and our minds. It is time for all Ethiopians to embrace the politics of unity and practice the divine arts of reconciliation, respect, mutual concern, appreciation and love for each other. This is our time. Let us seize it!
Human Rights and the Spirit of Service
Barack said the founders of the American Republic “drafted a charter to assure the rule of law and the rights of man”. He said “those ideals still light the world” from the “grandest capitals to the small village where my father was born.” Our home is only a stone’s throw away from the small village where Barack’s father was born. We also believe in the timeless and universal principles announced to the world in the Declaration of Independence over two centuries ago: That all men and women are created equal; that the ONLY purpose of government is the protection of life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness; and “That whenever any Form of Government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the Right of the People to alter or to abolish it, and to institute new Government, laying its foundation on such principles and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their Safety and Happiness.”
Barack also said “what is required of us now is a new era of responsibility — a recognition, on the part of every American, that we have duties to ourselves, our nation, and the world.” That responsibility begins with each one of us dedicating ourselves to serve humanity; to be “willing to find meaning in something greater than themselves.” He said, it is “it is precisely this spirit of service that must inhabit us all.” It is in the spirit of service we must unite as Ethiopians and promote and defend the cause of freedom, democracy and human rights. In is in the spirit of service to the coming generations that we must take individual and collective responsibility to build bridges across ethnic lines, breakdown linguistic barriers and create bonds of friendship and change hearts and minds.
The Thousand Mile Journey and the Search for A Roadmap
Ancient wisdom says a thousand mile journey begins with the first step. We have taken the first step along this journey. We do not have a complete road map yet, but we have a good sense of the direction we want to take. We know that as long as our compass points in the direction of freedom, democracy and human rights, we are heading to the right destination. We are very encouraged at this early stage. In just a few days, the outpouring of support we have received, the profusion of creative ideas for Diaspora unity that have been sent to us and the good will we have received for a renewed Diaspora effort has been heartwarming and humbling. We now know for sure that we are not alone on this journey; indeed there are hundreds of thousands of fellow Ethiopian travelers all over the world who are — ready to walk the talk — ready, willing and able to take the journey with us, and help us chart the road map. We feel we are getting off to a right start. We know from past experience that laying a strong foundation is necessary so that what we build as we go along will not topple at the sudden winds of discord and disharmony. We have learned from the lessons of those who till the land that the success of autumn crops depends upon the conscientious groundwork done in the spring. And so in this beginning spring of our Diaspora renewal, we appreciate the importance of well thought out beginnings.
We are ever mindful of the fact that even with a seemingly good start, failure and delay sometimes occur. We understand that there will be false starts, missteps, misunderstandings and miscommunication as we begin our efforts. We realize that some along this journey will feel frustrated because we are not able to arrive at our destination quickly enough. They may lose confidence and their spirits may flag. They may even lose sight of the cause and the struggle and the sacrifices that are needed to get to our destination. We are mindful that insignificant details could present themselves as insurmountable obstacles and undermine our initial resolve. We are mindful that our present enthusiasm — “We are fired up and ready to go!” — could wane in time as each one of us is called to take that first step, that first act individually and collectively. But such is the nature of struggle for hearts and minds. But as long as we are convinced that as individuals we have the power to change ourselves and others for the greater good, we can overcome any adversity that may come our way.
We are also mindful that our adversaries expect us to fail miserably because they believe fundamentally that we too weak, too polarized and too self-centered to come together for united action. They will wish that our good intentions will wither and die on the vine, and not bear fruit. Let them believe what they will. Our destiny is shaped by ourselves, by our own will, and not by their intrigue and machinations. We are from this day on in charge of the Freedom Train and everyone is welcome to come aboard, or be left back with the wretched of the earth at the station. We stand at the portal of a new day, a day that will go into a long night of personal sacrifice, hardship and adversity. We are not assured of success in our endeavors; and so we must try, and try to the best of our abilities to make it work because we know the self-evident truth that doing nothing in the face of a brutal dictatorship is not an option for us. Let us embrace Barack’s message to the American people: “Let it be told to the future world … that in the depth of winter, when nothing but hope and virtue could survive…that the city and the country, alarmed at one common danger, came forth to meet (it).” Let’s stand together as the children of Mother Ethiopia against the common danger of dictatorship! Let history record that as Diaspora Ethiopians we rose up against dictatorship with nothing in our hands, hope and love in our hearts, truth in our minds and the indomitable spirit of free men and women!
It is time to close ranks against an arrogant and abusive dictatorship in Ethiopia! It is time for all Ethiopians in the Diaspora to come together and stand up against Evil. As the old saying goes, “All that is necessary for evil to triumph is that good men and women do nothing.”
Today Evil has triumphed in Ethiopia, and good Ethiopian men and women must forge solidarity to rescue their country from the clutches of a malignant dictator. A thuggish dictatorship in Ethiopia is on a crime spree: a leading opposition figure is snatched off the street and slammed into prison to serve out a life sentence. Ms. Birtukan Mideksa, President of Unity, Democracy and Justice Party (UDJP), is put back in prison because she expressed a personal opinion about the “pardon” she received following her conviction in a kangaroo court. Peaceful and lawful political parties and organizations are under the constant threat of dissolution, mindless bureaucratic control and regulation and vindictive prosecutions. Opposition political leaders and dissidents remain under 24-hour surveillance, relentless harassment and intimidation. Members of the independent press are subjected to police interrogation, constant harassment, arbitrary arrests, detentions and persecution. The charity work of international non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in Ethiopia has been criminalized; and by “law”, they are prohibited from working on human rights issues in the country. Human Rights Watch predicted that this pretentious and asinine law “will make Ethiopia one of the most inhospitable places in the world for both Ethiopian and international human rights groups.”
Human rights violations in Ethiopia in the past year have intensified as thousands of political prisoners are held in detention facilities throughout the country in violation of the “laws” and “constitution” of the country, and international law. The country’s limited resources continue to be squandered on a misbegotten war. The ruling thugs in Ethiopia have been accused of committing war crimes on a massive scale in Somalia, and crimes against humanity against Ethiopians. Famine threatens to destroy one-quarter of the Ethiopian population as the dictators sip on Remy Martin Louis XIII cognac and throw lavish balls and galas to entertain themselves. The cost of living in Ethiopia has reached astronomical levels, depriving the vast majority of Ethiopians the capacity to earn a living or feed their families. The corrupt and decadent plutocracy and its lackeys continue to rapaciously plunder the country’s economy and resources. Cumulatively, the ruling thugs have propelled Ethiopia to the top of the list of failed states in the world.
Against this background, pro-democracy Ethiopians in the Diaspora have remained organizationally fragmented, politically divided and remain incapable of working collaboratively with each other. Leaders and representatives of political parties have been unable to forge solidarity and common purpose to oppose a ruthless dictatorship. They have failed to provide adequate leadership, guidance and direction to the struggle. As a result, there is much disillusionment and disappointment among Diaspora Ethiopians. Some feel betrayed by those whose political or civic leadership has fallen short; they are turned off by politics. Many have reached a low point of pessimism and believe that it is impossible to create solidarity among Diaspora Ethiopians. They say it is impossible to unite the Ethiopian Diaspora because there are just “too many differences. They say we don’t like to admit our mistakes or to ask forgiveness for them. They say we are more concerned about getting credit for doing something than delivering results. They say we lack trust in each other, and we are quick to undermine each other’s efforts than building upon them. Others have vowed never to be involved in politics; others harbor contempt for those involved in it. There are also many who have vowed never to quit their efforts to resist dictatorship and defend democracy, freedom and human rights in Ethiopia. These Ethiopians reject the politics of self-defeatism and capitulation, and firmly embrace the power of collective action.
Then there is PERCEPTION. Ethiopians in the Diaspora have become the laughing stock of dictators who often remind us with contempt that we are a do-nothing group of whiners who can not even talk to each other civilly let alone unite and present a credible alternative to their brutal dictatorship. They taunt us “to go into the bush and fight our way to political power” as they did. They hold us insomuch contempt that they have the audacity to say publicly that we can be bought and sold for thirty pieces of silver — or a promise for plot of land, a government job, duty-free imports and the illusion of access to power. They talk about our principles and integrity in the same manner as brokers talk about commodities on the Chicago Board of Trade. They insult our intelligence by telling us cock-and-bull stories about gold worth millions of dollars walking out of the front door of the banks and other stories fit for kindergartners. But perception is reality and what we believe about ourselves and what our adversaries think about us are important. We must deal with both perceptions and realities.
We have now come to the crossroads: We must close ranks and deal with the reality of a ruthless dictatorship and dispel perceptions of Diasporic impotence and dysfunctionality through collective, concerted and decisive actions.
Let’s Open Hearts and Minds!
One of the biggest realities today for Diaspora Ethiopians is the fact that we are in a lose-lose situation in opposing the ruling thugs in Ethiopia. Because of our fragmentation and inability to forge a common democratic front and maintain solidarity, we have been unable to act effectively and help our people in the motherland. Because we have been unable to learn from our past mistakes, make corrections and come to a collective resolution on an action plan to help overcome the challenges facing the Motherland, we find ourselves in a state of political paralysis. Because we have been locked into a zero-sum game where only one side wins and the other sides always loses, we find ourselves in an endless loop of lose-lose outcomes. Because we have been concerned with turf — some political leaders want to maintain insularity and primacy, some civic society leaders run their organizations through a narrow field of vision, political and civic groups often compete for the same base of membership often resulting in conflict and antagonisms, etc. — we have been unable to focus our collective energies on the enormous tasks before us.
We must transform this lose-lose situation into a win-win situation through a process of cooperation, collaboration, partnership and team work for the ultimate benefit of the Ethiopian people. But a win-win situation requires concerted, determined and relentless effort to change hearts and minds, beginning with each individual.
Change must first come in our hearts. Ethiopians in the Diaspora need to come to a new understanding that transcends the bitterness, petty grudges, personal animus and hatred, recrimination and distrust of the past. The reason is simple: the motherland is suffering! At a time when lawful internal opposition is crushed, dissent stamped out, human rights trampled upon, famine is spreading like wildfire, we cannot afford to stand by idly suspicious and distrustful of each other. We have a higher duty that requires us to purge our hearts of thoughts and feelings that weaken us as a unified democratic opposition. The time has come to take a stand, to make a public declaration that “our differences are far less important than the urgent need to work together in the cause of freedom, democracy and human rights in Ethiopia.” We must replace the self-defeatism and self-doubt which weighs heavily on our hearts today with the courage of a can-do spirit and defiance in the face of Evil. We must stop practicing the politics of personal destruction of our allies and potential allies in the cause and embrace the politics of collective reconciliation and consensus-building. We must begin to cultivate a genuine sense of brotherhood and sisterhood.
We must also open our minds. Many of us in the Diaspora confuse symptoms in the Ethiopian body politics with the real disease afflicting the Ethiopian nation. Zenawi’s dictatorship is a symptom of a more fundamental disease of poverty of democratic culture, institutions and practices afflicting Ethiopian society. If Zenawi left tomorrow, the symptom that manifested itself in his dictatorship may be removed, but the disease of despotism, intolerance of dissent, narrow-mindedness and prejudice will not be gone with him. Zenawi replaced his intellectual mentor Mengistu; and in the end, he managed to refine his mentor’s reign of terror to a new level of cruelty and depravity. We must open our minds and develop rational approaches, long-term strategies and initiatives to create a win-win situation.
Opening our minds requires a number of steps. First, we must change the way we think about, understand and react to the problems of dictatorship and democracy-building in Ethiopia. We must critically examine our assumptions about our understanding of the current dictatorship and the dire situation it has created in Ethiopia today. We must ask fundamental questions: Who is in control of Ethiopia today? Alternatively, who is NOT in control in Ethiopia today? Can Ethiopians deviously fragmented into ethnic, regional, linguistic, etc., groups ever be able to control their country or destiny? How can Ethiopians rescue their country from the clutches of criminal thugs? 2) We must develop a new understanding of the issues and problems in a broader context. When a dictator arbitrarily jails leading opposition leaders, bans civil society, decimates the independent press and sneers at the rule of law, is that a triumph of dictatorship or failure of a united democratic opposition? Alternatively, if pro-democracy Diaspora Ethiopians could come to a consensus that a dictatorship of thugs is the central problem of governance in Ethiopia today, is it possible to oppose such thugs by relying on the old strategies of one-upmanship, duplicity, intrigue, turf-protection, recriminations and working at cross-purposes?
Second, we must also develop a new approach — a new paradigm — to the struggle for democracy in Ethiopia based on an express commitment to a set of core values and principles that will enable us to defer our differences for another time. Our core values must be built on two compelling philosophical principles: 1) Our humanity must always rise above our ethnicity, nationality, religiosity, Africanity or Ethiopianity. 2) No one can be truly free in Ethiopia unless ALL Ethiopians are free. If we subscribe to these two core principles, open our minds and hearts and collectively pull together, we will soon find ourselves in a win-win situation.
But let us be absolutely clear about our New Paradigm: We are not concerned about a particular dictator or his long criminal record. Our new paradigm is about the future of the country we would like our children to inherit. For that reason alone, our goal is to win the hearts and minds of Ethiopians both at home and in the Diaspora by appealing to their innate sense of humanity, decency, dignity, compassion, thirst for freedom and yearning for human rights and the rule of law. This is our turnaround. When thugs use force and violence to enforce their rule, we must use reason and truth to empower the people and liberate their spirits. When thugs use intimidation and harassment to control the people, we must use knowledge and facts to expand their intellectual horizons. When thugs make the people their enemies by acts of unspeakably cruelty, we must make friends with them by spreading the gospel of freedom and human rights among them, and forging a common bond in their suffering and yearning for democracy. Opposing dictatorship is not the problem. Everybody (except the dictators) agrees it is a bad thing. But what is needed is consensus to build a viable and effective pro-democracy movement in the Diaspora. In our new paradigm, the central issue will be how to get all Ethiopians who believe in freedom, democracy and human rights involved and engaged in a pro-democracy movement. That is why we are calling for a convention of Diaspora Ethiopians which is inclusive of all segments of society — political leaders and their support groups, grassroots advocates and activists, civil society and religious organizations and their members, media representatives and concerned individuals — to join in and facilitate this grand dialogue at a Diaspora convention.
Let’s Meet and Shake Hands!
So how do we begin this long and difficult journey? We begin by shaking hands and making a personal commitment to participate in a new dialogue. We begin by working to create opportunities to meet and greet our “adversaries” in the pro-democracy movement with open arms, open hearts and open minds. We begin by accepting responsibility for past mistakes without playing the blame or victimhood game. We begin by acknowledging each other’s vital importance to the cause of freedom, democracy and human rights in Ethiopia, and expressing genuine appreciation to each other for taking the first steps in the direction of consensus-building and concerted action. As we shake hands, it will be necessary to check in our egos, our past grudges, and the bitterness of the past at the gate. There is no place for them at the convention. We shall begin the enormous task ahead with a compassionate heart, clear conscience, critical mind, and liberated spirit.
A Diaspora Convention and Manifesto: Let’s Get Busy in 2009!
Our preliminary task is to establish a mechanism to facilitate the planning of an all Diaspora Ethiopians convention to develop an agenda which focuses on democracy, freedom and the protection of human rights in Ethiopia. There are preliminary steps to be taken in that direction. First, Ethiopian Diaspora communities throughout the world need to begin discussions on the viability, timeliness and appropriateness of an all Ethiopia Diaspora convention at this point in our history. We believe there is a groundswell of interest in such an effort based on the massive input we have received from many groups and individuals. Second, we need to initiate broad discussion about the core issues that bind Diaspora Ethiopians. We believe there is widespread support among Diaspora Ethiopians on the need to work together on the issues of democratic institution-building, institutionalization of basic freedoms and protection of human rights. Third, we need to prepare ourselves to come to an agreement on a Diaspora Ethiopian Manifesto which provides a clear statement of who we are and what we stand for. We believe it is necessary to provide a public declaration of principles and intentions of our efforts to ensure maximum transparency and accountability.
In taking these preliminary steps, we must be mindful of what it takes to do it right. First, the dialogue must be open to all who agree on the core issues of democracy, freedom and human rights in Ethiopia. There shall be no precondition for participation in the dialogue except for philosophical agreement on the two core principles mentioned above. Second, leadership and active participation in the dialogue must not be left entirely to the usual suspects — the academics, the political and civic leaders and the partisan advocates. All segments of the Ethiopian Diaspora community must take ownership of the dialogue. Most of all, the involvement and participation of the younger generation of Ethiopians and women is paramount. Effective activism requires active involvement of these two segments of the population. Young people and women bring dynamism, energy, fresh ideas, and renewed commitment to the cause. If there is any doubt about the enormous role women can play in defending freedom, democracy and human rights in Ethiopia, one need only look at the heroic contributions of Birtukan Mideksa. It is not surprising that Birtukan should be the ultimate symbol of courage and defiance against the thuggish dictatorship in Ethiopia. We should insist on the full engagement of women and young people in this dialogue.
The dialogue we hope to begin in earnest must be tightly structured. We must make a clean break with the troubled dialogue of the past which emphasized ethnic, linguistic and regional differences, historical grievances and political or ideological differences. We must make explicit commitments to defer for another time such issues and focus on the core issues freedom, democracy and human rights. If we can do that, I believe 2009 will prove to be a watershed year. In 2009, we may be able to get pro-democracy Diaspora Ethiopians to speak in one voice to defend democracy, freedom and human rights in Ethiopia. We have cause for great optimism. Where dictators draw their strength from the barrel of a gun, we draw our powers from the wisdom, compassion, goodness, spiritual and moral strength of our people and ancient culture. Our people are waiting for a new message of hope from across the seas. To date, they hear a cacophony of noises that grate their ears and ache their hearts. We have a duty to mend their aching hearts with a clear message that says Ethiopians in the Diaspora have resolved to speak in one voice for the cause of democracy, freedom and human rights in Ethiopia.
Past Mistakes and Future Greatness: A Call and a Plea to the Ethiopian Diaspora to Open Dialogue Only on One Question: What is Good for the Country Our Children Will Inherit?
President-elect Barack Obama recently posed a central question to the American people: “It is time to put good ideas ahead of the old ideological battles, a sense of common purpose above the same narrow partisanship, and insist that the first question each of us asks isn’t ‘What’s good for me?’ but ‘What’s good for the country my children will inherit?’” We must pose the same question to Diaspora Ethiopians: “What’s good for the country our children will inherit?” Put differently, is the Ethiopia that is good for Zenawi and his thugs the Ethiopia we would like our children to inherit? Barack obviously understood that Americans do not want their children to inherit an America that is good for the rapacious Halliburton, the mercenary army of Blackwater and the Wall Street crooks. He talked about a new American spirit, a can-do spirit that will enable Americans to rise above the problems of the day. “It is this spirit that will enable us to confront these challenges with the same spirit that has led previous generations to face down war and depression and fear itself. And if we do — if we are able to summon that spirit again; if are able to look out for one another and listen to one another, and do our part for our nation and for posterity — then I have no doubt that, years from now, we will look back on 2009 as one of those years that marked another new and hopeful beginning for the United States of America.”
We in the Ethiopian Diaspora can also look to our history and “summon that spirit” that led us to defeat a mighty European colonial power twice and the spirit that helped us withstand great trials and tribulations in our history. We can summon that great spirit which just three years ago that led to the massive electoral victory of Kinijt in the first free election in the history of Ethiopia. Today, in the Ethiopian Diaspora we do not have a poverty of spirit, only of personal and political will. Let us make 2009 a new and hopeful beginning for Ethiopia.
We must urgently open dialogue on what is good for the country our children will inherit!
The Fierce Urgency of Now to Fight for the Ethiopian Dream!
As Barack Obama thoughtfully reflected on the situation in America, “Our problems are rooted in past mistakes, not our capacity for future greatness.” One can make the same argument for Ethiopians. We must not be prisoners of past mistakes; rather we should use genuine dialogue and consensus-building as weapons of liberation and transform ourselves into a mighty force of democratic change in Ethiopia. Eleanor Roosevelt said, “The future belongs to those who believe in the beauty of their dreams.” And our beautiful dream for the Ethiopia that our children will inherit should be one where the rule of law is woven into the fabric of the society and permeates the deepest recesses of the consciences of every Ethiopian; where no person shall fear for their personal security and liberties; where government fears the people and the people hold government on a short leash; where rights guaranteed by constitutional and international law are observed and protected; where judges are independent of political control and perform their duties with fidelity to the country’s constitution and laws; where elections are free, fair and universal; where every man, woman and child shall have the freedom of opportunity; where there is full legal and social equality among men and women; where one’s ethnic, linguistic or regional origins are respected and protected by law; where the free press performs its natural office of informing citizens and serving as a watchdog on government corruption and abuse of power; and where no person will be imprisoned or persecuted because of their political ideas or beliefs.
These are my “beautiful dreams” for Ethiopia, as I hope they are for many Ethiopians in the Diaspora. That is why I have committed myself to the cause. I have no illusions about the enormity of the task and difficulty of the enterprise we are about to undertake. Some well-intentioned people might be skeptical of the call to dialogue and my urgent plea on behalf of this beautiful dream. They may consider it idealistic and impractical. No doubt, the wardens of Ethiopia Prison Nation, Inc., will laugh boisterously and wager our efforts will fail. As they have disdainfully questioned many times before, they will do so again: “How can they aspire to serious dialogue when they can not even talk to each other under ordinary circumstances?” Let them laugh. But we should not be discouraged in our efforts to form a united Ethiopian Diaspora voice for freedom, democracy and human rights in Ethiopia. The true test of our success is in holding dialogue by putting the urgent needs of Ethiopia and Ethiopians above our own narrow interests. We must begin this dialogue with the fierce urgency of now. As we celebrate Dr. Martin Luther King’s birthday today, it is important for us to heed to his prophetic words: “We are now faced with the fact, my friends, that tomorrow is today. We are confronted with the fierce urgency of now. In this unfolding conundrum of life and history, there is such a thing as being too late. Procrastination is still the thief of time.” We must act now and begin the dialogue. Tomorrow is too late. That’s why I am calling on all Ethiopians in the Diaspora to come together with the fierce urgency of now and act to rescue our country from chokehold of thugs.
Post Script: Doing Nothing is Not An Option!
We can’t afford to sit down with folded arms and wait for something to happen. We must act now as a unified Diasporic force. If we don’t, the nightmare of Zenawi’s brutal dictatorship could linger on for some time to come. In short, a bad situation could become dramatically worse. We did not arrive at our present predicament suddenly or by some accident of history. What we see today has been unfolding for the last 18 years. During this period, many Diaspora Ethiopians stood watching on the sidelines in silence, and did nothing. That option is no longer available to us.
We will come forward with specific and concrete proposals for a Diaspora Dialogue in the foreseeable future. For now, we plead earnestly with all Ethiopians in the Diaspora to close ranks, open hearts and minds, shake hands and prepare to get busy in 2009.