WASHINGTON (AFP) — A US court sentenced a Somali man to 10 years in jail for conspiring to aid an extremist group planning an attack on US soil, the Department of Justice said on Tuesday.
Nouradin Abdi, 35, pleaded guilty in July this year to plotting attacks, the department said in a statement. He told the Federal of Bureau of Investigation during interrogation that he wanted to plant a bomb in a shopping center.
He lived in the midwestern state of Ohio after gaining asylum in the United States by making false statements and was arrested in 2003 after asking permission to travel to Germany and Saudi Arabia to visit his family and the Muslim holy site at Mecca.
Prosecutors say he was actually heading for Ethiopia to train for “violent jihad” and charged him with “conspiracy to provide material support to terrorists,” the statement said.
“Abdi allegedly sought training in radio usage, guns, guerilla warfare and bombs,” it said.
An accomplice arrested with him is serving a 20-year sentence for aiding the Al-Qaeda extremist network, it added. A third was arrested in April.
According to Kinijit officials, the party’s Central Council will soon discuss and decide on whether to officially join the Alliance for Freedom and Democracy (AFD). Before making a decision on this critical matter that has already changed the political landscape of Ethiopia for the better, ER urges members of the Kinijit Council to consult with the public. To help with the discussion, we are re-posting some of the arguments that have been been presented by the following writers in favor of AFD:
ADDIS ABABA (AFP) — Ethiopia on Tuesday called for a quick deployment of peacekeepers in war-ravaged Somalia, an African nation increasingly running adrift in the face on an escalating insurgency.
Of the 8,000 peacekeepers the African Union pledged to send to bolster President Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed’s weak government, only 1,500 Ugandan troops are actually on the round.
“The plan designed to deploy peacekeeping forces to Somalia should be materialised as soon as possible,” the Ethiopian foreign ministry said in a statement.
Ethiopian troops helped sweep aside Islamist militants from much of the country they had briefly governed in January, but have been embroiled in a deadly insurgency mainly in Mogadishu.
Rebels recently dragged through the streets, stumped and spat on the bodies of Ethiopian troops, a grisly reminder of a similar treatment of US special forces in 1993.
Burundi and Nigeria had given firm pledges to contribute soldiers, but are yet to make good their word.
The Ethiopian foreign ministry called on the international community to facilitate efforts to restore durable peace in Somalia, where the last functional government collapsed in 1991 after the ouster of dictator Mohamed Siad Barre.
The escalating insurgency has seen UN chief Ban Ki-moon rule out sending any peacekeepers to the Horn of African nation, except for a “coalition of the willing.”
But on Monday, the UN Security Council said there was need to pursue contingency planning for the possible deployment of UN troops, side-stepping Ban, but giving no promises.
Previous peacekeeping forays by the United Nations and the United States ended disastrously in the mid-1990s and the world turned its back, abandoning the country at the mercy of armed gangs.
The Tigray Peoples Liberation Front (TPLF) led regime currently in power in Ethiopia has been well aware of the Ogaden National Liberation Front(ONLF) policy on resolving the Ogaden conflict through peacefull dialogue. We have maintained that any such dialogue should be held in a neutral third country, in the presence of a neutral third party arbiter of international standing with no preconditions placed on either side.
In that context, recent attempts by the TPLF to utilize the person of Prof. Ephrem Isaac to seek to negotiate on matters that can only be addressed by the TPLF Regime itself demonstrate the lack of commitment of this regime to engage in serious diologue in order to reach a comprehensive and just political settlement on the Ogaden conflict.
The ONLF would like to make clear to the TPLF regime that we will not meet with or negotiate with Prof. Ephrem Isaac as he is not a government official and has no recognized authority nor the ability to affect circumstances on the ground in Ogaden.
The TPLF regime continues to execute a campaign of terror against our people and has shown no sign of seeking a peaceful solution to the Ogaden conflict.
Despite this, our door remains open to enter into discussions with the TPLF regime in the context of our long standing policy for dialogue.
We would like to invite you to the ‘Human Rights for Ethiopians in the Next Millennium meeting’ on Saturday, November 17, 2007. The goal of this meeting is to bring together ideas, energy and vision from all parts of Ethiopia in order to build a grand strategy that is based on mutual respect and trust in order to usher in a new millennium where Ethiopians can enjoy greater freedom, equality, peace, stability and prosperity.
We encourage you to invite others to this event such as friends, community leaders and others who would be interested in learning more about the Human Rights in Ethiopia and sharing in this time. We encourage everyone who is concerned about Ethiopia and the Horn of Africa, to come and to bring other interested persons along.
Please see the agenda below for the meeting in Washington on Saturday, Nov. 17. Can you please forward it to your friends whom may want to come?
Yours truly,
Obang
______________________________________________ Human Rights for Ethiopians in the Next Millennium
Sponsored by the Anuak Justice Council
November 17, 2007, 4:00 p.m. to 8:00 p.m.
Unification Church, 1610 Columbia Rd., N.W., Washington, D.C.
Ticket/Donation: $20.00
Commencing at 4:00 PM, will be a showing of the film:
“Betrayal of Democracy: Ethiopia”, a riveting and revealing documentary film depicting the deepening crisis of democracy in Ethiopia under the current EPRDF government of Prime Minister Meles Zenawi. A must-see film for all concerned about the alarming state of affairs in this strategic country in the Horn of Africa.
Overview of Meeting (5:00 PM)
Ethiopians from different regions have been very isolated or even alienated from each other in the past years; yet widespread human rights violations have been a problem in every region of the country. This has resulted in factionalized approaches to dealing with these abuses rather than any cohesive and coordinated effort. In a unique forum, guests, human rights activists representing most every region of Ethiopia, will come together for the first time in history to discuss the state of human rights within their respective regions.
They will share how they have been dealing with human rights violations up to the present and how they see all of us, as Ethiopians and friends of Ethiopians, moving forward in a more concerted effort in the next millennium. Most are now realizing that we cannot succeed alone; that, only by advocating for everybody in our country, will we see greater respect for human rights of all Ethiopians in the next millennium.
We all know that the respect for human rights has deteriorated since the Ethiopian National Election of 2005 when the ruling party allegedly hijacked the election. There is even less freedom and more human rights abuses today, but little attention is being given to it, some say because of the War on Terror. Although most Ethiopians support such an international effort to combat terrorism, they do not support the terrorist acts committed by Prime Minister Zenawi and his regime against the Ethiopian people throughout all of the regions in the country. We invite you to come and listen to how the current regime’s crimes against humanity, has affected the people of Ethiopia in their own pursuit of freedom, democracy and human rights.
The goal of this meeting is to bring together ideas, energy and vision from all parts of Ethiopia in order to build a grand strategy that is based on mutual respect and trust in order to usher in a new millennium where Ethiopians can enjoy greater freedom, equality, peace, stability and prosperity. This is not a political movement, but a much needed movement of the people for human rights.
Meeting Participants:
Mr. Guled Kassim, Ogaden Human Rights Committee, representing Somali Regional State. Topic: The Current Human Rights Situation in the Ogaden. (10 minutes)
1. Mr. Alemayehu Zemedkun: Ethiopian American Advocacy, Amhara National Regional State. Topic: As a Former Deputy Attorney General, head of the ministry’s civil division and one of the best bench prosecutors in the country, Mr. Zemedkun will represent the Amhara National Regional State and his experience as former Deputy Attorney General. (10 minutes)
2. Mr. Teklabe Habtu, Gasha for Ethiopians, Tigray National Regional State. (10 minutes) Topic: The Current Human Rights Situation in the Tigray Region.
Mr. Ibrahim.Yousuf, Benishangul Human Rights Foundation, Benishangul/Gumuz National Regional State. (10 minutes) Topic: The Current Human Rights Situation in the Benishangul-Gumuz Region: It’s Affecting Us All.
Break
3. Mr. Robsan Itana, Oromo-American Citizens Council, Oromiya National Regional State. Topic: The Current Human Right Situation in Oromia (10 minutes)
4. Ms. Abeba Fekade, a representative of the International Ethiopian Women’s Organization. Topic: Human Rights Challenges Facing Ethiopian Women (10 minutes)
5. Mr. Ali Ismael Muftah, Afar Human Rights Organization, Afar National Regional State. (10 minutes) Topic: The Current Human Rights Situation in the Afar Region
6. Mr. Jashu/Godi Baykeda, Southern Nations Human Rights Organization (in formation), the Southern Nations, Nationalities, and People’s Regional State. Topic: The Current Human Rights Situation in the Southern Nations (10 minutes)
Keynote Speaker:
Mr. Obang O. Metho, Anuak Justice Council, Gambella Region, (25 minutes)
Topic: After the presentations, Mr. Metho will highlight the key points and challenges for us to move forward with the advancement of human rights in Ethiopia in the next millennium. Because of his experience talking to Ethiopians from diverse ethnic backgrounds in over 30 different cities, including in Canada, in the US and in Europe, he will share what he has learned and his vision for a greater and more cooperative grassroots movement for the respect of human rights that will provide a stronger foundation for true freedom, democracy, justice and prosperity for all.
An opportunity for questions, comments and suggestions will follow.
Let us join hands in support of justice!
We encourage everyone who is concerned about Ethiopia and the Horn of Africa, to come and to bring other interested persons along.
Proceeds will support the Anuak Justice Council. For more information, call
(703) 462-1694 or 306 933 4346, contact Obang Metho at: [email protected].
This week, Bill Fletcher discusses escalating violence in Somalia, rising political tensions between Ethiopia and
Eritrea, and the latest on the North-South dispute in Sudan. Fletcher is the senior scholar with the Institute for Policy Studies and former president of TransAfrica Forum.
It’s time now for our Africa update. This week, escalating violence in Somalia, plus rising political tensions between Ethiopia and Eritrea, and the latest on the north-south dispute in Sudan. For more, we’ve got Bill Fletcher, a senior scholar with the Institute for Policy Studies and former president of TransAfrica Forum.
Hi, Bill. Mr. BILL FLETCHER (Senior Scholar, Institute for Policy Studies; Former President, TransAfrica Forum): Hey, glad to be back.
CHIDEYA: Yeah, great to have you on. So, let’s talk – we’re really talking about the east of the continent and the last week, dozens people have been killed in heavy fighting in and around Somalia’s capital, Mogadishu. Tens of thousands of people have fled the area, journalists have been killed, Ethiopian troops were killed as well, and one dead soldier’s body was dragged through the streets. What’s behind all these violence?
Mr. FLETCHER: The invasion has failed. The Ethiopian invasion, fundamentally, has failed. The transitional government that was put in is attempting to suppress opposition, not just the Islamists, but also trying to suppress the media itself, and so tension is arising.
CHIDEYA: Give us a little bit of background – just briefly, we’ve talked about this. But on the question of the Ethiopians being in Somalia, give us the backgrounder on that.
Mr. FLETCHER: The Union of Islamic Courts, an Islamist group, which is something along the lines of the Taliban, succeeded in taking over some – a good chunk of Somalia and restricting the ability of the clans to create chaos. The Ethiopian government was deeply worried about the situation there. There has been historical antagonisms between Ethiopia and Somalia. And with the apparent encouragement of the U.S. government, the Bush administration, Ethiopia invaded Somalia, routed the Union of Islamic Courts and everyone thought that that was that – or at least many people thought that was that. The Islamists regrouped and they’ve been conducting a guerilla war against Ethiopians and the Somali allies.
CHIDEYA: Now, last week, Ethiopia deployed 2,000 more troops to Mogadishu. Some people blame the violence on the resentment towards the Ethiopian troops who monitor the area. What about civilians? How were they caught in this conflict?
Mr. FLETCHER: There has been a humanitarian disaster that’s been unfolding in Somalia, massive emigration of people out of Mogadishu – the United Nations is very worried – and in addition, Somalia has not been receiving the sorts of international aid that it needs to deal with the civilian refugees. So the situation is quite dramatic and unfortunately, it’s not getting the kind of attention it needs here in the United States.
CHIDEYA: So you have Ethiopia and Somalia, and now you have Ethiopia and Eritrea – neighboring nations. Is this a border war?
Mr. FLETCHER: This is one of the greatest tragedies of the last decade. Here you have two countries that’s succeeded in building a – something close to a partnership through the overthrow of the Ethiopian junta that was called the Derg in early ’90s. Eritrea achieved independence, and there was collaboration, and there was even talk of some sort of regional alignment that could take place between the two countries. And then things started to unravel. And it’s basically – what seems to be at route is a level of political opportunism that first emerged in Ethiopia, but now, I must say, also in Eretria, where the leadership is trying desperately to hold on to power, and it’s fanning the flames of nationalism and war.
CHIDEYA: What territory are they really fighting over?
Mr. FLETCHER: It’s an area that’s almost a – there’s really almost nothing there. It’s 25 kilometers round in a town called Badme, B-A-D-M-E. And it’s not exactly what you’d call an oasis. And that’s why many observers, in looking at the situation, say, no, no, no. This is not about the territory. This is about something else. And unfortunately, I think that the something else is that it becomes a convenient means for the Ethiopian government, which refuses to implement the border commission resolution of the crisis. It becomes a means for them to rally the troops against the evil bogeymen in Eritrea. It’s almost like the beginning of World War I.
CHIDEYA: Are you saying then that this is, in some ways, a fictional conflict – a real conflict with nothing more than mutual animosity fueling it?
Mr. FLETCHER: It’s close to a fictional conflict. What’s at stake, what’s being said that’s at stake really does not pass the straight-face test. The Ethiopians are clearly violating the agreement that was established by the border commission. That is true. At the same time, the Eritreans are not permitting peacekeepers to fully observe the territory that’s in dispute. So when you have a situation like that, and you have two very well-armed militaries, you have a recipe for a potential disaster.
CHIDEYA: Now, Ethiopia has been considered a key U.S. ally in the war on terrorism, and Eritrea has been considered as possibly being added to the list of states that sponsor terrorism. What happened there?
Mr. FLETCHER: It was a reckless, reckless move by the Bush administration, describing Eritrea as potentially sponsoring terrorism. There’s absolutely no foundation for this. But what it does is that it gives militaristic elements in Ethiopia, the idea that they have the green light to potentially attack Eritrea and have the support of the United States. It was the most idiotic move that anyone could imagine, where you have a situation that could blow up at any moment.
CHIDEYA: Let’s turn briefly to Sudan. There is a truce between north and south. Could be unraveling, what is the latest on that?
Mr. FLETCHER: Two years ago, there – a truce was signed. As you know, between the north and the south, ending a civil war that essentially started in the early 1960s. Some would say it started actually in the 1950s. And the northern government based in Khartoum under President al-Bashir was supposed to take several steps, including confirming a border between the north and the south, taking political steps or steps towards political reform, and third, working out agreements around the issue of oil, because oil have been discovered in the southern Sudan, which is what this dispute is really largely about. The al-Bashir government, by most accounts, has taken very few steps and appears to have been stalling. The southern – the Sudanese People’s Liberation Movement, which is the major force in the south, essentially had enough and withdrew its representatives from the government, from the Government of National Unity, said that al-Bashir must follow through or they’re no longer going to participate in the Government of National Unity.
CHIDEYA: Again, very briefly, what’s the worst-case scenario here if there’s no resolution?
Mr. FLETCHER: The worst-case scenario is implosion; that Sudan, basically, unravels by a combination of the southern conflict, the Darfur situation, and the struggle for democracy that’s taking place in the north. A less-than-worst- case scenario is that we’ll have a long-term stalemate, something along the lines of what’s taking place in the Western Sahara, where you have armed camps that are more or less not fighting each other on a regular basis, but with a country that’s divided.
CHIDEYA: All right, Bill, thank you so much.
Mr. FLETCHER: Thank you as always.
CHIDEYA: Bill Fletcher is a senior scholar with the Institute for Policy Studies and the former president of TransAfrica Forum. He spoke with us from NPR’s Washington D.C. headquarters.
