The Development Of Nationalism In Ethiopia
By Mankelklot Haile Selassie
Ethiopian Review, February 1994
The history of Ethiopia cannot be divorced from the interethnic activities that began thousands of years ago. This interethnic activities was one of the major phenomenon that made the history of Ethiopia so unique. The socio-economic state of today’s Ethiopia is a cumulative
result of the evolutionary interactions between its different ethnic groups. Religious activities, migration, intermarriage, exchanging services in market places, sharing a common culture and even wars, were the major interacting factors. Through time, these interacting variables structured the society and strengthened the bond between the different ethnic groups of Ethiopia. The socio-economic and political interactions continued without interruption for many centuries. The earlier leaders, such as Yohannes IV, Tewodros, Menelik, or Mohamed
Giragne were simply elements of historical coincidence, in the processes of the social and cultural development. It was a process that was inevitable to take place irrespective of who ruled the country.
The ethnic groups were ceaselessly interacting within the boundaries of Ethiopia, as they are doing it today, in 1993. I argue, that, because of this evolutionary process of interaction,
with a discernible outcome, Ethiopian nationalism began to develop long before Yohannes IV or Menelik’s era. To be a part of a country, to relate to one another and to share things in their possession across boundaries, including skills and knowledg, were achieved through interminable practices. This persistent social and economic interaction, and mutual relationship are engraved in the minds and hearts of the people of today’s Ethiopia. This precious attitude–the essence of Ethiopia–has to be defended and protected by any means. It
is this unforced mutual relationship that is holding the country together, in the midst of the current economic and political crisis. Nationalism, as defined by Hayes, is a fusion of patriotism with a consciousness of nationality. He emphatically identifies nationality
by saying: “No, nationality receives its impress, its character, its individuality, not, unless very incidentally, from physical geography or biological race, but rather from cultural and historical forces” (emphasis added). The social interaction that took place in Ethiopia for many centuries aptly fits this characterization of nationality by Hayes. Cultural and historical forces which began to work on the people of Ethiopia collectively, for thousands of years, have played a
dynamic role in the process of cultivating nationalism in Ethiopia. Let me pose at least three questions. Is nationalism (to be a part of a state) continuously in the process of development in Ethiopia? Do most of the people of Ethiopia know the country they live in? If they
knew the country they live in, by what processes or mechanisms were they influenced to know? The level of social and cultural development that Ethiopia reached today is the outcome of a cumulative, evolutionary social interaction that has taken place thousands of years ago. it is not a 300 or a 500 years of interethnic activities. No matter what one tries to twist and customize the history of Ethiopia to fit ones own political ambitions, this is a phenomenon one cannot contest in good faith. Although the country was continuously a battle field for many centuries, where kings rose against kings, tribes rose against tribes, and dukes rose against dukes, an integration effect was also decisively taking place in a very subtle manner. As indicated earlier, religious activities, migration, intermarriage, converging in market places where services were exchanged, saring common cultural practices and even the wars
were the dynamic variables that have contributed to the gradual integration to take place. Even in the heat of the wars, the warring factions kept the social interaction alive through negotiation. For example, Oromo, Gurage, and Sidamo, negotiated for their market interaction to be continued while they were fighting. In other cases, they agreed to establish a market-place in a neutral zone while they were fighting. Perhaps, there is a lesson to be drawn from this negotiation by the current forces of Ethiopia, including EPRDF.
There are cultural activities which prove interethnic contacts that can be traced back to several hundreds of years. The extent and similarities in beliefs, ritual practices, and food taboos among the ethnic groups of Ethiopia, as clearly specified by Levine, did not take place among total strangers. The evolutionary social interactions which have taken place through warfare, migration, intermarriage, trade, religious activities should have played an important role to
cause these interethnic contacts. Table 1 (page 3) shows theree of the many cultural practices commonly shared by many ethnic groups. Note the extent of the geography covered and the number of the ethnic groups involved in sharing a common culture, as shown in Figure 1 (page 4). For example, beliefs in evil eyes, Scared Trees and Concept of Genii Loci in Trees, are commonly shared by Gamo Gofa, Sidamo, Harerge, Shewa, Gojam, Gondar Tigray and Eritrea. These deep rooted interethnic contacts should have contributed in building the sense of being a part of a country. Here, it is very important to note that these interethinic contacts were not forced upon the ethnic groups. On the whole, it was a natural process. Trade was one of the major activities in Ethiopia, for thousands of years. Figure 2 (page 6) shows three trade routs–Dilebo itemizes nine trade routs–of six-teenth and seventeenth century. The routs were not simply highways for the then merchants. Due to the mobile nature of the ethnic groups, each station should have attracted the surrounding ethnic groups to com and share their services, thereby creating an atmosphere of tolerance, satisfaction and appreciation. In nineteenth century, according to Levine, Hirmat in Jimma, Seqota in Wello, and Ankober in Shoa were important trade centers. For Example, Hirmata, in 1905 drew 30,000 ethnically diversified people who participated in the market, including: Amhara from Gojam and Shoa; Oromo from all the Gibe Kindgdoms; and Timbaro, Qabena, Kefa, Janjero, Welamo, Konsa and several others from the Ometo cluster. The tibes who participated in Sekota market of Lasta were: Yeju and Raya Oromo from north; and Gurage, Inarya, Kefa, Guma and other Oromo tribes from the south. Figure 3 (page 7) shows the extent of the geographic sp;read
and the distance traveled to exchange services. This unforced natural interaction between the diversified tribes, through local and regional markets, which persisted for thousands of years, I think, has contributed toward laying down the foundation for national awareness. In addition, in the lateral part of the twentieth century, there were several social activities that have strengthened the bounds between the ethnic groups which induced the awareness to be a prt of a country. One of the pioneer projects that contributed to the cultivation of nationalism was Ethiopian University Service (EUS), established on April 17, 1964. Many university students were deployed to different ethnic groups who lived among and interacted with them. This dynamic endeavor continued for about 10 years (1964-1974). It would be reason able to assume the questions these communities raised mantally as well as verbally, as to where these students came from and why they were there and the responses they imagined. The other factor that possibly helped in developing nationalism was the Zemetcha (campaign) of 1974-1976. In this campaign, students, administration staff and faculty members were takn to different parts of Ethiopia to participate in different social and economic develop
ment activities. The program did contribute toward some sense of cooperative involvement irrespective of race, tribe or religion. Here, too, one should picture the convergence of a human frce coming from the central government to different ethnic groups located in very
remote parts of the country. Highwasys connecting the provinces to the administrative center (Addis Abeba), as well as the feeder raoads–however limited–which connect subdistricts (Woreda) and districts (Awraja) to the main highways, have induced people cross boundaries of ethnic groups different from their own–imagine a Maji resident from far south, about 750 km away from the capital city, boarding a bus to Addis Abeba–interact with different values and cultures, perhaps to the extent of being influenced for adaptation. This and other forms of communication, over time, not only facilitates social interaction between different ethnic
groups but also cultivates national awareness. The following variables have instilled the feel of being a part of a nation, and perhaps, the gradual development of love for the country
called Ethiopia: literacy campaigns which involved millions of people; the educational system that included curriculum and textbook preparation and distribution from the center; prospective teachers recruited from the different ethnic groups of the country that were trained and
sent back to their community of origin; parliamentary election conducted during Emperor Haile Selassie; the administrative structure established by the Derg, although the motive could have been different; the judicial system of the nation; the use of a common language for communication; and the national holidays celebrated all over the country, practically all of them involving the green, yellow and red colored flag of Ethiopia. All these activities, I argue, indicate the presence of a deceivingly simple, and yet a dynamic natural process
that was working on the society of Ethiopia in cultivating the sense of nationalism. Education in general and the ducational system in particular has played an important role in building the sense of nationalism in Ethiopia. A high school or college graduate will not have the same
political and cultural out look about his/her identity. Without forgetting his/her tribal root she/he will come to assertively realize the existence of a state he/she identifies with. A graduating student of the 1950s stated the following during a graduation ceremony: “When we came here, we were Tigreans, Gallas, Amharas, and so forth. Now, thanks to the director, we leave as Ethiopians, and as alumni of this school”. A survey conducted in Ethiopia in 1958-59 dealt with marriages between different tribes. The sample for the research was drawn from secondary and college level students. As shown in Table 2, (page 10) 64% of the males and 73% of the females of the secondary school students indicated their willingness to marry a person of a different tribe. Eighty-four percent of the college students responded similarly regarding marriage between different tribes. Notice the difference in response between the high school males and the college students. This does not mean there is a direct linkage between this result and the development of nationalism. However, one can reasonably argue that there is a behavioral change that took place in these students as their level of education increased. Their attitude toward the different tribes or nationalities that they encounter daily, will change positively. In the study, 15 high schools (including boarding schools) and five colleges were involved. The students that came from different provinces to study in these schools were not limited to the school environment only. They also interacted with the community where the
schools were located. This process of interacting with the community continued for decades and for several generations. Finally, to briefly summarize the national development issue, in as much as there are many ethnic groups in Ethiopia, there were contacts and social interactions–a unique Ethiopian attribute–made between these ethnic groups for thousands of years. The social interaction factors, as indicated earlier, include: religious activities, migra
tion, intermarriage, sharing of goods and services in country-wide activities of the twentieth century that touched every corner of Ethiopia. These contacts and interactions have contributed to the cumulative effect of developing nationalism, or, at least to the
awareness of being a part of a country. As von der Mehden aptly put it, contact with other communities is a necessary prelude to a wider nationalism. Given this unique historical situation, although one has to accept the validity of self-determination of the nationalities in Ethiopia, one has also to be careful for the undermining the social and cultural development of the society that began thosands of years ago. This conducive atmosphere for building strong economy and an irreversible democratic nation, where every ethanic group, regardless of its size of population, can benefit from the cumulative economic growth and participate in the political process of building a democratic country, has to be the primary concern. Because, the people of Ethiopia has clearly shown, in several adverse political situations, that they can
live together and work side by side. The holistic approach to the social and economic problems of Ethiopia does not imply to contradict self-determination and support the domination of one or more of ethnic groups over the other. This writer strongly believes in self-
determination, up to and including secession. Here, the argument is that, given this cohesive situation of the common people of the country, who ever has a genuine concern for the economic growth of each ethnic group has to take advantage of this positive social situation
and approach it holistically. Because, the economic and the democratic progress or the fate of one ethnic group is organically tied with the economic progress of the rest of the ethnic groups, including Eritrea. In the case of Ethiopia, given the current economic and political
crisis of the world, the prosperity of a nationality can only be achieved through unity, through collective efforts. Any move short of some kind of unity id suicidal. And, also, because of this organic relationship between the different ethnic groups, it is incumbent upon the elites of the larger nationalities to defend and protect the economic and political interests of the smaller nationalities. There are seventy-two nationalities and 126 dialects in Ethiopia. In a country of so many nationalities, thanks to God, the ethanic groups are not rising against each other. The social interactions that existed for many centuries is holding them together, in the midst of the current political and economic crisis. No matter how the Transition government of Ethiopia tried to pit one ethnic group against another, the society has refused to play into the hands of the government. Because of this unique interethnic relationship, where the current
Transitional Government is pathetically ineffective in securing the safety and protection of the people in the country, what we are witnessing in East Europe and in Somalia is not taking place in Ethiopia. However, unless the concerned forces, including EPRDF, come together
and create stability through peace and democracy, through time, this strong interethnic relationship we are witnessing today will be eroded and endanger the unity of the country. The ordinary people–the backbone of the country–irrespective of what the self aggrandized politi
cians are theorizing, are minding their daily interacting affairs. I strongly believe that, even the interethnic killings that took place in certain regions of the country were instigated by certain radical elites, who, perhaps, could not comprehend the depth of the social fabric of the society of Ethiopia. Therefore, it is in the best interst of each ethnic group, to ceaselessly lcampaign for peace and democracy collectively. Without peace and democracy it is impossible to have an environmnt where every ethnic group actively participates in building a prosperous democratic nation. It is also incumbent upon the concerned forces and individuals
to expose and struggle those who try to exploit the ethnic issues to advance their political ambitions. It is bout time, in fact it is long over due, for the Ethiopian elites, irrespective of gender, religion or nationality, to join their time, energy and money and protect the
coarse of history from being manipulated by egotistic individuals. Some of the Eritrean elites have demonstrated very clearly, how the coarse of history can be changed by packs of fabricated lies, with no regard for historical accuracy, through persistent campaign. Wake up
and act with wisdom now, before it is too late. _________________________________________
Mankelklot Haileselassie resides in Maryland